smash-pacifism-zine

Beginning in June 1963, the movement saw extensive
mobilizations of thousands on a near daily basis for six
weeks.
Local organizers began holding night marches,
which attracted plenty of youth and significantly raised
tensions. Confrontations began to occur between the
protesters and police and National Guard soldiers. On July
11, rioting broke out; the National
Guard fired tear gas while rioters
threw stones, smashed windows, and
started fires. The County Crusade
group called off the rallies, and
business owners were now willing to
negotiate. A plan for desegregation of
hotels, theatres, bowling alleys, and
other public spaces was made, to take
effect October 1. The Crusade called
off rallies for sixty days.
By this time, it was clear that
King and the doctrine of pacifism
were not widely accepted by large
numbers of those that participated not
only in the protests, but also the
rioting and clashes that began to escalate. At the same time,
the 'nonviolent' reformists were clearly using the potential
and practise of militant resistance to force negotiations with
officials.
As rebellion began to spread across the country
that spring and into the summer, reformist pacifists
attempted to reinforce party discipline. Within the civil
rights movement, the call by the main reformist
organizations for nonviolence and calm were strongly
rejected:
“The NAACP annual convention held in Chicago
from July 1 to July 6 [1963] provided stark evidence of the
angry mood of black activists... The Reverend J.H.
Jackson... was chased off stage when he signalled his
opposition to plans for the March on Washington. Even
James Meredith received a hostile reception after delivering
a speech attacking the indiscipline of black youth leaders.
“At the CORE convention in Dayton, Ohio, held
June 27-30, activists belittled the White House bill,
bemoaning its failure to tackle police brutality... southern
delegates warned black volunteers were arriving for mass
meetings and demonstrations armed with knives and
revolvers.
“The civil rights movement had been completely
transformed over the course of only a few weeks. Prior to
Birmingham, black protesters tried to project an air of
respectability by wearing suits and ties, and neat dresses; by
midsummer jeans and T-shirts had become the uniform of
the street. Once orderly picket lines, where smoking and
talking was often banned, became raucous affairs, with
singing, clapping, and chanting. Many direct-action
campaigns now involved civil disobedience---protesters
forced themselves under the wheels of police cars, chained
1963 March on Washington.
themselves to buildings, and resisted arrest by falling to the
floor rather than willingly being taken into custody...
Reflecting on the sudden rise in membership and the
addition of twenty-six new affiliate chapters, Farmer noted
how new recruits were attracted 'by CORE's militancy
rather than its nonviolent philosophy.'”
(The Bystander, pp. 429-30)
On June 19, 1963, the Civil Rights
Act was rushed into Congress for
debate (it was passed a year later).
By this time, a massive March on
Washington was called for. Along
with announcing submission of the
Civil Rights Act, the Kennedy
administration then moved to align
itself with the reformist civil rights
movement and co-opt both the
march and the movement itself.
The 1963 March on
Washington
The March for Jobs and Freedom occurred on
August 28, 1963. An estimated 250,000 people participated
in the afternoon rally, organized by a coalition of six main
civil rights groups, working closely with the President's
office and Washington police. With substantial fund raising
efforts, some 21 trains had been chartered, along with 2,000
buses. The rally was held just four months after the rioting
in Birmingham, and the situation in many areas was
volatile, including northern cities.
Neither Malcolm X, nor the Nation of Islam (which
he was a member of at the time, and which he had helped
build up to some 25,000 members), were permitted to
attend by the rally organizers. Malcolm dubbed the march
the “Farce on Washington.”
Later, in November during a talk in Atlanta, he
delivered his “Message to the Grassroots,” a highly
acclaimed speech that defined the difference between the
reformists and the emerging resistance. In the speech,
Malcolm commented on the state's co-optation of the
March on Washington, an example of how co-optation
occurred on a larger scale:
“It was the grassroots out there in the street. It
scared the white man to death, scared the white power
structure in Washington, DC, to death; I was there. When
they found out this black steamroller was going to come
down on the capital, they called in... these national Negro
leaders that you respect and told them, “Call it off.”
Kennedy said, “Look, you are letting this thing go too far.”
And Old Tom [a term for a sellout or collaborator] said,
“Boss, I can't stop it because I didn't start it.” I'm telling
you what they said. They said, “I'm not even in it, much
less at the head of it.” They said, “These Negroes are doing
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