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ISSUE 34 : May/Jun - 1982 - Australian Defence Force Journal

ISSUE 34 : May/Jun - 1982 - Australian Defence Force Journal

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64 DEFENCE FORCE JOURNAL No. <strong>34</strong>, <strong>May</strong>/<strong>Jun</strong>e 82<br />

long term schooling; rather it requires a different<br />

concept of professional socialisation and<br />

education and an integration of political factors<br />

and methods of analysis into tactical and<br />

strategic thinking. Although battlefield competence<br />

and the skills and attitudes that contribute<br />

to it are not irrelevant in Sarkesian's<br />

model, they are not mentioned much in this<br />

book, except as a barrier to the adoption of<br />

the thinking which he advocates. And herein<br />

lies the major weakness in his model.<br />

For, whilst few would surely disagree with<br />

his assertion that,<br />

"While conventional military forces remain<br />

essential ingredients in strategic deterrence,<br />

the utility of such forces for purposes of<br />

intervention has declined" (p 112),<br />

the political basis of "armed diplomacy" (nice<br />

phrase, that!) for a nation is the latent strength<br />

of that nation's forces. And, since Western<br />

armies (and, indeed, most others) are based<br />

on a hierarchical, authoritative, disciplined<br />

character, if it is to maintain latent strength,<br />

the military institution must continue to have<br />

that character. This institutional character<br />

tends to produce a particular kind of person.<br />

It is not denigrating that kind of person to<br />

suggest that, especially in peacetime when the<br />

maintenance of this institutional character is<br />

difficult and internal efforts to so maintain it<br />

are thus intensified, the kind of person Sarkesain<br />

would like to see in the military institution,<br />

would not be particularly comfortable<br />

there. Indeed, the military institution, as a<br />

socialising environment, could find it rather<br />

difficult to produce significant numbers of<br />

officers of each type who also appreciated the<br />

views of the other. Unfortunately, Sarkesian<br />

brushes over this. Perhaps he feels that, as a<br />

political scientist, he should give direction and<br />

that the sociologists could then tackle the<br />

practical problems in the social system; but it<br />

is disappointing that there is not more on these<br />

problems.<br />

Sarkesian also gives very little space to the<br />

question of how the civilian leadership and the<br />

community would react to this new professionalism.<br />

I am inclined to think that the<br />

community would be somewhat apprehensive<br />

of a move in this direction. In essence, he says<br />

that it is up to the military to demonstrate, by<br />

example, how this new style would be of more<br />

use to the state than would alternative models<br />

of professionalism.<br />

My final criticism of this book is that I<br />

found it a little difficult to read, perhaps<br />

because of the small typeface, but also because<br />

it was somewhat repetitive. It started life as a<br />

series of essays, and could have done with<br />

some rigorous editing to trim these into interrelated<br />

chapters. Nonetheless, this is a thoughtprovoking<br />

book and deserves to be widely<br />

read. One of its strengths is the evidence of<br />

considerable background reading, and anyone<br />

interested in studying this issue will benefit<br />

from the many reference notes and bibliographical<br />

items.<br />

It is intriguing, of course, to speculate on<br />

whether the issues addressed in this book are<br />

of relevance to the <strong>Australian</strong> military profession.<br />

Despite our size, we do have a distinct<br />

threat environment, and there is no reason to<br />

think that political sophistication — in its<br />

application to problems of military strategy<br />

and tactics — is no less needed by Australia<br />

than by America.<br />

But for me, the most important lesson in<br />

this book is that it points up a fundamental<br />

difference between the <strong>Australian</strong> and American<br />

military establishments. This difference is<br />

one of scholarly reflectiveness: the propensity<br />

to study the past and the present as guides tothe<br />

future, and to discuss alternative courses<br />

of action in deciding how a desired future is<br />

to be sought.<br />

<strong>Australian</strong> servicemen do not have a good<br />

record in reflectiveness, even in terms of the<br />

conventional area of "military history". Quantitatively<br />

at least, our collective contribution<br />

to the literature on military sociology and<br />

history is almost as nothing compared to that<br />

of the American services. Vietnam alone has<br />

stimulated all sorts of writings from Americans;<br />

some arguing that they went wrong,<br />

others arguing that they didn't and many<br />

proposing lessons to be learned from the<br />

experience. Contrast this mountain of print<br />

with the <strong>Australian</strong> equivalent: a few novels<br />

and a handful of articles, largely about CRW<br />

techniques, in periodicals such as this. Locally,<br />

moreover, there is almost no debate about<br />

professional dilemmas such as those Sarkesian<br />

discusses.<br />

Someone once remarked, at an "<strong>Australian</strong><br />

Armed <strong>Force</strong>s and Society" conference, that<br />

Australia had yet to produce a Janowitz. It's<br />

worse than that, I'm afraid: we haven't even<br />

got to the stage of producing a Sarkesian. y

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