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Richard Godbeer: America 193<br />

ular and early American culture in general. 5 More recent essays have<br />

built upon that foundation, examining sodomy both as a sexual category<br />

and as a social issue in early New England. 6 The study of same-sex<br />

intimacy in early America is now reaching forward into the eighteenth<br />

century and the revolutionary period. 7 Yet largely missing from the<br />

scholarship to date is an examination of emotional and romantic ties<br />

between men, a topic with profound implications for our understanding<br />

of manhood and social identity in early America.<br />

A recent history of sexuality in North America declares that Puritan<br />

leaders in early New England condemned sodomy because it ‘so<br />

clearly defied the norm of reproductive sexuality.’ 8 This was certainly<br />

one of the reasons for official disapproval of same-sex intimacy, but<br />

Puritan theologians did not see reproduction as the sole or even<br />

primary goal of sex. They taught that marriage was intended first and<br />

foremost to foster spiritual endeavor and obedience to God’s law<br />

through loving support and mutual stewardship. Marital sex was<br />

ordained by God as an expression of love and fellowship between<br />

husband and wife; all other sex was sinful and disorderly. Official condemnation<br />

of non-marital sex in general and sodomy in particular<br />

was bound up with a clear conception of the body’s role in the drama<br />

of redemption. The physical body, ministers taught, could serve both<br />

virtuous and sinful purposes. Sermons often referred to the body as a<br />

temple for the soul that should be consecrated to God and kept safe<br />

from the pollution of sin.When Puritans referred to illicit sex as<br />

‘unclean,’ ‘filthy,’ ‘defiling,’ and ‘polluting,’ they framed the subject<br />

in terms of their duty to protect their bodies from contamination for<br />

the sake of their souls. 9<br />

That incorporation of sex and the body into a larger moral drama<br />

conditioned the ways in which New England ministers explained<br />

sexual urges. They evoked neither sexuality as an independent force<br />

that gave rise to erotic desire nor sexual orientation as a determinant of<br />

who was attracted to whom. They explained masturbation, sex<br />

between an unmarried couple, adultery, sodomy, and bestiality just as<br />

they did any other sin, such as drunkenness or falling asleep during a<br />

sermon: they were all driven by the innate corruption of fallen humanity<br />

and all embodied disobedience to God’s will. Official teaching did<br />

not, then, conceive of sodomy as fundamentally distinct from any<br />

other manifestation of human sin. Nor did it see particular men or<br />

women as constitutionally inclined or limited to any one form of<br />

sexual offense. The basic issue at stake was moral rather than sexual<br />

orientation. Sexual sins could be traced to a particular frame of mind,

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