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Chris Mounsey: (Anglo) Ireland 9<br />

one sense Jardine and Stewart’s argument about Bacon’s sexuality is<br />

watertight. There is no physical evidence and no documentary evidence<br />

of these relationships being more than accusations made against<br />

people who were physically closetted together because of their work. In<br />

another sense, it lacks openness to the possibility of homosexuality, or<br />

that homosexuality might have been less rare than has previously been<br />

thought. By failing to follow up on the possibility that Bacon was a<br />

homosexual Jardine and Stewart might be accused of telling a partial<br />

story. But the decision about how much of what type of evidence is<br />

necessary for a certain ascription of homosexuality is a difficult one to<br />

make. To return to the Touchet case, I will therefore offer a methodology<br />

for reading ‘possibilities’ from context plus whatever shreds of evidence<br />

present themselves, while remaining open about the fact that<br />

the readings are no more than possibilities. In this sense, I hope that<br />

the reading is both indebted to Norton’s essentialism and to Herrup’s<br />

social constructionism.<br />

From the evidence presented at the trial, we have witness statements<br />

that he had sexual relations with his male servants, and that he assisted<br />

in the rape of his wife. The problem with evidence from witnesses is that<br />

it comes from their perspective, and it is framed by lawyers who are keen<br />

to make a plausible case. If we take the Countess of Castlehaven’s evidence<br />

at face value, we reach a similar conclusion to the court. Touchet<br />

made his servants show her their private parts on their wedding might,<br />

and later held her arms while one of the servants raped her. Taken on its<br />

own, we might read this as evidence that Touchet was a bisexual voyeur<br />

who had used his rights as the patriarch of the household to violate his<br />

wife. However, the question remains why the Countess waited six<br />

months before bringing the charge against her husband, and after she<br />

had had a child by Skipwith, the Earl’s servant.<br />

Read alongside other evidence from the trial, we might reach a different<br />

conclusion. First we must remember that it was not the Countess<br />

who brought the case against Touchet, but the son of his first marriage.<br />

He was keen on protecting his entailed inheritance from being given<br />

away to favorites or to the Countess’s bastard child. Next, Giles<br />

Broadway, another servant, testified that the Earl had lain with him in<br />

sexual dalliance but had not penetrated him, emitting rather, between<br />

his thighs (Norton, 1992: 9). This might be taken as evidence that the<br />

Earl was incapable of holding a firm enough erection for penetration. 27<br />

Similarly we might accept Skipwith’s evidence that the Countess enjoyed<br />

sex. By adding these to the Countess’s evidence, we might reconstruct<br />

the sexual life of Fonthill Gifford in another and <strong>queer</strong>er way. On the

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