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Goran V. Stanivukovic: England 235<br />

the state’s policing of it. It is perhaps the relative silence of authorities<br />

on the issue of public sodomy, if it ever was public enough to cause<br />

panic that enabled the discourse and representations of sodomy to<br />

continue. Thus in the absence of substantial evidence for anything like<br />

homosexual identity in the Renaissance, homoerotic masculinity of<br />

early modern England was mostly reconstructed as what we would<br />

define as <strong>queer</strong>, as relating to desire, not gender, and forms of the nonnormative<br />

sexual behavior (non-normative at least from the historical<br />

perspective of our times).<br />

Current gay historiography of early modern England shies away<br />

from the concepts of identification and identities, and privileges <strong>queer</strong><br />

methodologies of gaps and overlaps, performances of sexual and<br />

gender behavior, and a circulation of flexible and often ambiguous<br />

desire in order to capture what might have been the male–male sexual<br />

culture of early modern England. Queer theory has done so not only<br />

because identity smacks of determinism but also because, as predominantly<br />

a theory of discursive and epistemological phenomena, <strong>queer</strong><br />

theory depends on rhetorical constructions, and social and textual representations.<br />

Thus to read for signs of homoerotic desire and acts in<br />

early modern England means to ‘read relationally’, to look at ‘texts as<br />

sites of self-identification’, and to analyse ‘the syntax of desire not<br />

readily named.’ 9 Yet the question of inquiry into early modern English<br />

homoerotic masculinity arises precisely in the problem of selfidentification;<br />

there are no early modern English texts where self-representation<br />

is affirmatively established. Because of the lack of affirmative<br />

self-identification, the early modern <strong>queer</strong> archive is, in a sense, ‘a<br />

satire on the object of its knowledge.’ 10 That even at the point at<br />

which, one could argue, early modern <strong>queer</strong> criticism has reached its<br />

peak and exhausted its archives (and, it seems, much of its arguments<br />

as well), the homoeroticism of even the most <strong>queer</strong> of early modern<br />

English writers, Christopher Marlowe, continues to be seen as a puzzle<br />

of identification, is best illustrated by two recent studies on this writer.<br />

Thus, in her biography of Marlowe, Constance Brown Kuriyama does<br />

not even mention once, let alone entertain the thought that Marlowe<br />

might have had homosexual leanings. Kuriyama’s Marlowe, in fact, has<br />

no sexuality. Rather, she argues that what ‘we know of Marlowe<br />

himself’, including that he was ‘an openly gay man’, ‘was tweaked to<br />

fit new iconic models and political agendas.’ 11 Leaving aside the<br />

quibble that ‘openness’ is historically specific and that may not necessarily<br />

manifest itself in behavior but, in Marlowe’s case, in dramatic<br />

and non-dramatic poetry that is exclusively masculinist and almost

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