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236 Queer Masculinities, 1550–1800<br />

entirely devoid of women, Kuriyama’s point implies that the image of<br />

Marlowe as a transgressor and rebel is a construction of later history,<br />

not of his own period. In that sense, her view is similar to Stephen<br />

Orgel’s, who argues that ‘the transgressive Marlowe is largely a posthumous<br />

phenomenon.’ 12 However, Orgel’s point is that, rather than<br />

being subversive, the licentious, daring, ironic, and racy Marlowe in<br />

fact explores humanity and desire within the limits of a period already<br />

known for its restless ambition, individual aspiration, and ‘a higher tolerance<br />

for obscurity than we have.’ 13 Thus after over a decade of criticism<br />

about <strong>queer</strong> Marlowe we have come to the point at which<br />

Marlowe’s <strong>queer</strong>ness has been rendered ahistorical and, hence, nonexistent<br />

or, at best, ambiguous. If Marlowe has been a metonymy for<br />

early modern English <strong>queer</strong> masculinity, even homoeroticism, what do<br />

views like Kuriyama’s and Orgel’s leave us with? The question is not<br />

whether Marlowe was or was not homosexual, but what constitutes<br />

<strong>queer</strong>ness in early modern England. Expanding on Orgel’s argument<br />

about our modern, not early modern, construction of Marlowe (and<br />

Renaissance England) as a subversive homosexual, Mario DiGangi challenges<br />

‘the kind of evidence we possess regarding the presence of male<br />

same-sex relations in early modern England’ and he questions ‘the<br />

methodologies used to interpret that evidence.’ 14 For DiGangi, like for<br />

Orgel, Renaissance England, was a world without many inhibitions<br />

‘about public discussion of illicit sexuality.’ 15<br />

One of the central tasks of <strong>queer</strong> theory’s investigations of early<br />

modern sexuality, then, is to ‘call into question the historiographical<br />

status of concepts of alterity and sameness.’ 16 This is undoubtedly true,<br />

but the question still remains to what extent the distinction between<br />

alterity and sameness produces knowledge about kinds of masculinity,<br />

including homoerotic masculinity, in a culture that conceptualized sexuality<br />

only in terms of gender and specifically around matrimony and<br />

procreation. The <strong>queer</strong> approach to early modern homoeroticism, rendered<br />

as sodomy, is too broad a term for any kind of sexual transgression<br />

or sexual act that is socially disruptive. Claude J. Summers, for instance,<br />

has criticized Jonathan Goldberg’s approach to Renaissance <strong>queer</strong>ness,<br />

helping us to see male–male sexuality through a series of historically<br />

contingent signifying practices. 17 Similarly speaking about homosexuality<br />

from the position of material historicism, Mario DiGangi argues:<br />

whatever claims modern science might make for homosexuality as a<br />

‘materiality’ pertaining to the body will still tell us nothing about<br />

the materiality of sexual practices and discourses … in early modern

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