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Hitler turned down Stalin’s offer to reach a new<br />

agreement to divide the Balkans, something that<br />

precipitated the decisions taken in Berlin. In the<br />

spring of 1941, Yugoslavia and Greece were occupied<br />

by Germany, which imposed its control over<br />

South-Eastern Europe. Both Romania, which had<br />

also been mutilated in the summer of 1940, and<br />

Bulgaria had been previously included in the German<br />

sphere of dominance.<br />

The Montreux Conference, where the decisions<br />

taken in Lausanne were discussed again, represented<br />

another moment when the common interest<br />

of Romania and Greece concerning the issues<br />

in the Black Sea came to light. Having in<br />

background the important changes that took place<br />

in the international arena during the first half of<br />

the fourth decade, Turkey strongly demanded the<br />

revision of the treaty of 1923, which, in its opinion,<br />

was harming its sovereignty. On April 10, 1936, the<br />

Turkish government sent a letter to the signatories<br />

of the Treaty of Lausanne and also to the Secretary<br />

General of the League of Nations, in which<br />

it demanded the revision of the status of the Straits.<br />

All the contracting parties accepted Ankara’s request<br />

and the place for the new conference was<br />

chosen again in Switzerland, this time at Montreux.<br />

The talks took place between June 20 and July 20,<br />

1936. The Romanian delegation was led by Nicolae<br />

Titulescu and the Greek delegation by Nicolas<br />

Politis, who was elected vice-president of the Conference,<br />

the president being W. Bruce, Australia’s<br />

representative, the only British dominion that attended<br />

at the Montreux Conference.<br />

Just like in Lausanne, there were two points<br />

view – one expressed by Turkey, the other by Britain.<br />

Basically, Turkey wanted to regain the control<br />

over the Straits, something that met the grievances<br />

of the Soviet Union. The British project<br />

envisioned the maintaining of the regime established<br />

in 1923. After hard negotiations, the Turkish<br />

point of view prevailed, the right of Turkey to<br />

rearm the zones demilitarized by the Treaty of<br />

Lausanne being recognized. The free circulation<br />

principle was maintained for trade ships, but was<br />

severely restricted for war ships, especially if Turkey<br />

remained neutral.<br />

Romania supported the Turkish point of view<br />

and opposed the British project. This was a significant<br />

change of stance compared to what had happened<br />

in Lausanne, when Bucharest and London<br />

were on the same wavelength. In the opening ses-<br />

����� Review of Military History �����<br />

sion, Nicolae Titulescu stated that Turkey’s request<br />

to revision the status of the Straits by legal means<br />

complied with the international law and, consequently,<br />

did not contravene to the spirit and letter<br />

of the peace treaties. The Romanian Minister of<br />

Foreign Affairs stated: “I will say that the Straits<br />

are the heart of Turkey, but they are also the lungs<br />

of Romania. And when a region is, by its very geographic<br />

location, the heart of one nation and the<br />

lungs of the other, the most elementary piece of<br />

wisdom demands that the two nations unite”. 11 In<br />

another intervention, Titulescu declared that the<br />

main reason why Romania accepted Ankara’s<br />

standpoint was “our unlimited trust in Turkey’s loyalty”.<br />

12<br />

Titulescu’s stance can be explained by several<br />

causes. The acceptance of the Turkish point of<br />

view contributed to the maintaining of the unity of<br />

action of the Balkan Pact, which was subjected, at<br />

that time, to strong pressures from inside and especially<br />

from outside. At the same time, Titulescu’s<br />

position also met the interests of France, who had<br />

signed a treaty of mutual assistance with the Soviet<br />

Union. As the Soviet help for France could<br />

have only come by <strong>sea</strong>, the Romanian acceptance<br />

satisfied both powers – France and the Soviet<br />

Union.<br />

At the same time, Nicolae Titulescu had signed<br />

with the Soviets, also in Montreux (on July 21, 1936),<br />

a protocol which laid the foundations of a future<br />

treaty of mutual assistance between Romania and<br />

the Soviet Union. The support given to the Turkish<br />

position, which met Moscow’s interests, could<br />

only prepare the way to the signing of the treaty of<br />

mutual assistance between the two countries. 13<br />

Titulescu’s position in Montreux generated<br />

mixed reactions among the Romanian political<br />

class, a number of leaders – Gheorghe I. Brătianu,<br />

Octavian Goga, Mihail Manoilescu and others –<br />

considering that Romania’s security interests were<br />

affected by the blocking of the Straits during wartime.<br />

Nicolae Titulescu’s attitude in Montreux was<br />

actually one of the reasons for which he was dismissed<br />

from the position of Minister of Foreign<br />

Affairs on August 29, 1936.<br />

In what concerns Greece, its position took into<br />

account its interests at the Black Sea, which were<br />

significantly smaller than Romania’s. The Greek<br />

diplomacy agreed to Turkey’s request because the<br />

Greek commercial navigation to the ports from<br />

this region, although very active in the Straits,<br />

61

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