a. SETISETI, the scientific search for extraterrestrial intelligence outside of our solar system,began in 1960 when theoretical calculations and advances in technology prompted Frank Draketo initiate a radio telescope search (Drake, 2011). Today, while microwave radio searches remaindominant, SETI has expanded to include optical telescope searches for extraterrestrial laserbeacons or messages. Each strategy seeks an indicator – a focused radio beam, a pinpoint of light– that is identifiable as advanced extraterrestrial technology as distinct from purely naturalphenomena (such as pulsars or quasars) or human artifacts (such as an unexpected transmissionfrom a “lost” satellite). Both strategies require sifting through huge volumes of data, hoping tofind candidate signals that can withstand tough scrutiny.b. Cultural Aspects of SETIAmong SETI researchers, the astrosociological component is known as “the culturalaspects of SETI” or CASETI. As defined by John Billingham, CASETI includes “all thinkingabout ETI [extraterrestrial intelligence] going back to the classical era, the immediate[consequences] of detection, and indeed the science and engineering of SETI as set in the contextof human activity” (Billingham, 1998: 711). Within a year of Drake’s first search, the NationalScience Foundation sponsored an interdisciplinary workshop at the National Radio AstronomyObservatory, and within the first ten years, SETI had recruited scholars from anthropology,archaeology, linguistics, history, and sociology to join the conversation. Based on workshopsheld at NASA – Ames Research Center in the 1970s, a comprehensive report on SETI includedcommentary on religion, societal responses, and the kinds of studies that might be done inpreparation for contact (Morrison, Billingham and Wolfe, 1976). By the 1990s, CASETI hadbecome a regular part of annual International Astronomical Federation conferences, and werefeatured in special issues of the peer reviewed journal Acta Astronautica. Over the years, thecultural aspects of SETI have been the focus of many conferences and have surfaced in newvenues, including regional sociology meetings and national anthropology conventions. This isastrosociology in action.There is an abundant literature on CASETI ranging from comprehensive overviews(Billingham et al., 1999; Harrison, 1997, 2007; Harrison and Dick, 2000; Michaud, 2007; Tough,2000) to in-depth examinations of specific topics such as cognitive limits on our ability toidentify and understand extraterrestrial life (Baird, 1987), the link between space exploration andSETI (Finney and Jones, 1984), interstellar altruism (Vakoch, 2014), and the role of mathematicsin interstellar communication (De Vito, 2014).Most CASETI research falls under one or more of four broad categories. The first is theorganization and conduct of the search. This includes building public support for the effort,coordinating search activities, attempting to minimize anthropocentric and ethnocentric biasesthat could unnecessarily limit the search, and expanding the hunt with new technologies andprocedures. The second category involves interstellar communication. Topics include signaldecryption and interpretation, and composing interstellar messages, including figuring out whatto say and how to say it. Originally such messages were planned as replies to incomingmessages. Now it includes METI (also known as active SETI): messaging extraterrestrialintelligence. Under METI, Earthlings would initiate the sequence of communication with© 2015 Astrosociology Research Institute18
powerful broadcasts to unseen audiences. This is controversial because announcing our locationin the universe might attract predators rather than benign bystanders or new friends.The third type of CASETI research focuses on the human response to the discovery ofextraterrestrial life. This includes preparations for contact, and both the short-term and long-termimpact of the discovery on cultures, societies, and worldviews. The fourth category is theanalysis of extraterrestrial societies, political systems, institutions, and organisms (or their nonbiologicalequivalents). James Grier Miller’s Living Systems Theory, which cuts across geologicand historical epochs, cultures, and species, may provide a point of entry for this (Miller, 1978;Harrison, 1997).c. Human Responses to Extraterrestrial LifePeople’s reactions to the discovery has been a topic of interest ever since widespread butoverstated newspaper reports following Orson Wells’ 1937 Halloween broadcast led somepeople to believe that Martians had landed in New Jersey and were advancing on Manhattan(Cantril, 1940). Panic and other reactions have been portrayed in various ways in science fictionfilms and are the source of much scholarly and popular speculation. Some writers suggest thatattempts to anticipate human reactions will fail or have counterproductive effects (Denning,2013). The most formidable barrier to prediction is that people’s responses will depend on manyfactors such as nationality, demographics, religion, the unfolding of the contact scenario(protracted or instantaneous), and the nature of the “other” (humanoid or unfamiliar, benevolentor malevolent, open or secretive). Thus, it is tempting to walk away from this problem on thebasis that we do not know enough about extraterrestrials to make guesses as to how people willreact. But through historical precedents, case studies, public opinion polling, and othertechniques, we may be able to educate our guesses (Harrison, 2011a). We already knowsomething about people’s beliefs about the existence of extraterrestrial life, their perceptions andrepresentations of aliens, and how they think they and other people will respond to a confirmeddiscovery.Recently, Steven J. Dick has discussed the role of analogies in astrobiology (Dick, 2013;2014). This involves looking to something we have experienced (the analogue) that resembles tosome degree an anticipated future event (the target). Thus, we look to research conducted inisolated and confined environments such as in submarines or at polar research stations to helpplan for space missions which also involve teams working under conditions of isolation andconfinement (Harrison, 2001). As another example, in the nineteenth century many peoplebelieved that engineers had constructed canals on Mars and this analogy might inform ourexpectations about how present-day people will respond to the detection of an interstellarbeacon. Dick points out analogues have to be carefully chosen to get the best match between theanalogue (spying evidence of intelligent life on Mars) and the target event (discovering, fromEarth, evidence of advanced technology in another solar system). Dick offers a “GoldilocksPrinciple” that analogies must not be so broad and sweeping as to be meaningless, or so specificthat they are unlikely to match up with a plausible target event.People’s expectations will play powerful roles in initial reactions, especially underconditions of uncertainty and ambiguity, as is likely to be the case if contact consists ofintercepting a content-free beacon or indecipherable message (Denning, 2013; Harrison, 1997,2011a). In the case of a SETI detection, about all we will know is that “they” exist, so the initial© 2015 Astrosociology Research Institute19
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Gushin, V. I., and Dudley-Rowley, M
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and Earth and the rest of the unive
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Nash, J. (2001). Mayan visions: The
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Board of AdvisorsLynn E. Baroff, M.
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Editorial ProceduresThe Editor-in-C
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• What are the various possible e
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