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THE POLITICS OF IMMIGRATION

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Labour appears to have won ethnic minority votes in the wrong<br />

places to make a difference in electoral terms, advancing in safe seats while<br />

slipping in marginals. The Runnymede Trust notes that around half of the<br />

ethnic minority population lives in seats that are more than one-third<br />

ethnic minority, while half do not. In the most ethnically diverse seats the<br />

Labour vote went up, as it did in other Labour heartland safe seats. Yet the<br />

Conservatives were particularly successful in targeting voters in marginal<br />

constituencies – and appear to have become increasingly confident of<br />

competing for the growing number of ethnic minority votes in marginals<br />

with middling levels of ethnic diversity, particularly in areas where voters<br />

have felt the benefits of economic recovery.<br />

In Watford, where a quarter of voters are non-white, the<br />

Conservative vote was up nine per cent, turning a three-way marginal in<br />

2010 into a majority of nearly 10,000. The growing Conservative vote in<br />

increasingly ethnically mixed towns, such as Bedford, Crawley, Milton<br />

Keynes, Reading, Swindon and Wycombe, suggests a similar story – with<br />

the Conservatives able to find more than enough new voters to outweigh<br />

those who deserted the party for UKIP.<br />

Up for grabs: the increasing ethnic minority floating<br />

vote<br />

This evidence of long-awaited Conservative progress with ethnic<br />

minority voters has been greeted with cautious optimism by party<br />

strategists and thinkers, though warnings against complacency are equally<br />

common. The Survation poll findings suggest that they should be heeded.<br />

The Conservatives were successful in advancing with ethnic minority<br />

voters, as those who preferred David Cameron as Prime Minister and didn’t<br />

want to risk the economic recovery found themselves following that logic<br />

to a Conservative vote. The poll suggests that these may often have been<br />

‘Cameron voters’ as much as Conservative voters, and that the party has<br />

further work to do if it is to retain these votes or extend its appeal among<br />

minority voters.<br />

Most ethnic minority voters who backed the Conservatives in<br />

2015 say they might not do so again in future. 54% of those who voted<br />

Conservative in 2015 say they could well change their minds in future, while<br />

17% disagree. 47% of Labour ethnic minority voters say they could change<br />

their minds, while 32% disagree.<br />

There is also scope for the Conservatives to expand their<br />

support further. 29% of ethnic minority voters who did not support the<br />

Conservatives say that they considered doing so in 2015.<br />

Overall, however, the Labour party appears to have a stronger core of<br />

committed support and a bigger pool in which to fish for future votes. 48%<br />

of minority voters who didn’t vote Labour would consider doing so. Labour<br />

may also still be trying harder at grassroots level: a majority 52% say that<br />

Labour contacted them during the 2015 campaign, while 40% recall contact<br />

from the Conservatives.<br />

Most ethnic minority Britons (54%) believe that the Labour party<br />

tries to treat people from all ethnic backgrounds fairly – but only 29%<br />

currently say that is true of the Conservative Party. For Conservatives,<br />

continuing to shift this perception is likely to be crucial to expanding the<br />

party’s potential support.<br />

38 British Future / The Politics of Immigration

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