Car Ownership? Evidence from the Copenhagen Metropolitan Area
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demographic composition of neighbourhoods.<br />
6.3 <strong>Car</strong> ownership<br />
We argued in section 3 that we expect that improving public transport will have a nonpositive<br />
impact on car ownership. This is confirmed by <strong>the</strong> simulation study. The model suggests that <strong>the</strong><br />
number of car owners will be reduced as a result of <strong>the</strong> metro extension. Table 5 shows that<br />
number of one car owners will decrease by 2.9% if housing supply would be elastic and by 2.3%<br />
with inelastic supply (house price adjust). For two car owners <strong>the</strong> corresponding figures are 4.5%<br />
and 3.1%, respectively. Clearly some households that would give up <strong>the</strong>ir car (or one of <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
cars) if <strong>the</strong>y could move to <strong>the</strong> areas where metro accessibility improved will change this<br />
intention when house prices adjust. When interpreting <strong>the</strong>se figures, it should be noted that <strong>the</strong>y<br />
refer to <strong>the</strong> whole GCA. Changes in <strong>the</strong> shares of car owners are much larger in <strong>the</strong><br />
neighbourhoods that are directly affected by <strong>the</strong> extension, see Map 9.<br />
Table 5: <strong>Car</strong> ownership<br />
Reference scenario Scenario 1 Scenario 2<br />
Fixed prices Fixed supply<br />
One car households 85,388 82,906 83,389<br />
Two cars households 17,495 16,695 16,949<br />
Total number of cars 120,378 116,295 117,287<br />
6.4 Welfare change<br />
There are various ways to assess <strong>the</strong> impact of <strong>the</strong> extension of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Copenhagen</strong> metro network.<br />
The first possibility is to look at what its impact will be on <strong>the</strong> welfare of those involved if<br />
choice behaviour would remain unchanged. All households <strong>the</strong>refore stay in <strong>the</strong>ir initially chosen<br />
alternative. We can compute <strong>the</strong> compensating variation of <strong>the</strong>se households.<br />
It is, of course, unlikely that choice behaviour remains unchanged. The areas that become<br />
more attractive will be chosen more frequently unless prices change. In our second assessment<br />
we assume this to be <strong>the</strong> case. Since we do not yet take into account house price adjustments, this<br />
requires housing supply to be infinitely elastic. Alternatively, it can be regarded as indicating <strong>the</strong><br />
change in pressure on <strong>the</strong> existing housing stock that is <strong>the</strong> result of <strong>the</strong> improved public<br />
transport. Note also, that households do not only switch to o<strong>the</strong>r areas, but also to o<strong>the</strong>r positions<br />
with respect to car ownership, and here <strong>the</strong> assumption of elastic supply is more realistic.<br />
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