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At the end of this unprecedented period of judicial activism, only three<br />

countries were left with a mandatory death penalty: Barbados, Guyana<br />

(which had abolished appeals to the Privy Council and was thus not<br />

bound by any of these developments 25 ) and Trinidad and Tobago. Barbados<br />

and Trinidad and Tobago were able to retain the death penalty<br />

because of the general savings clause, 26 since neither country had made<br />

changes to the substantive law. In Guyana, statute has since restricted<br />

the death penalty to certain categories of murder and eliminated its<br />

mandatory aspect. 27 Thus, while the death penalty still exists across the<br />

entire Commonwealth Caribbean, only Barbados and Trinidad and<br />

Tobago apply it automatically to every conviction for murder.<br />

APPLICATION OF THE DEATH <strong>PENALTY</strong><br />

There have been only a few scholarly analyses of the application<br />

of the death penalty in the Caribbean, but even the most cursory<br />

examination of decided cases suggests the existence of bias at several<br />

stages, produced by factors such as economic status, social class<br />

and mental capacity. These biases routinely affect the fairness of trials<br />

(and by extension, the safety of convictions), because they inevitably<br />

involve or lead to breaches of due process, liberty rights and evidential<br />

safeguards. In Trinidad and Tobago in particular, a number of<br />

recent studies have revealed fundamental deficiencies in the criminal<br />

justice system. These studies have been replicated to a lesser extent<br />

in other locations, and considering them along with the case law, it<br />

can be credibly argued that there are many concerns with regard to<br />

the equitable application of the death penalty in the Commonwealth<br />

Caribbean. Specific issues are considered below.<br />

Mental capacity<br />

In common law, the test for insanity is whether, at the time of the<br />

act in question, the defendant was labouring under such a defect<br />

of reason, due to a disease of the mind, as either not to know the<br />

25 This was effected in stages in 1970 by the Guyana Republic Act 1970-9, s 8 and Judicial Committee<br />

(Termination of Appeals) Act 1970-14, and then in 1973 by the Constitution (Amendment)<br />

Act 1973-19, s 4.<br />

26 Boyce v. the Queen [2004] UKPC 32 (PC, Barbados); Matthew v. the State [2004] UKPC 33<br />

(PC, T&T).<br />

27 Criminal Law Offences (Amendment) Act 2010, Act 21-2010 [Guy].<br />

nature and quality of his act or, if he did know this, not to know that<br />

he was doing wrong. 28 From the time of its formulation in the mid-<br />

19th century, this test was heavily criticised, 29 yet it has endured<br />

in spite of complications regarding what constitutes a disease of<br />

the mind and the potential injustice created by the requirement to<br />

prove lack of knowledge of the quality of the act. A cursory check<br />

of reported cases suggests that this test seems to be too technical<br />

for judges to explain adequately or for jurors to evaluate sensibly,<br />

with the result that many convictions are overturned on the basis<br />

of incorrect directions. 30 Aside from its technicalities, another problem<br />

with the legal test seems to be the archaic understanding of<br />

mental illness, and its divergence from what may actually constitute<br />

a mental incapacity. This creates doubt as to whether directions<br />

in any case are properly understood and acted upon, in addition<br />

to the doubts as to whether the law adequately treats those with<br />

mental illnesses.<br />

A case that well illustrates these difficulties is Stephen Robinson a/c<br />

Psycho v. the State. 31 The appellant, a destitute and homeless person,<br />

was convicted of the January 2002 murder of a security guard and<br />

sentenced to death in 2009. Medical evidence established that he<br />

had been diagnosed with schizophrenia since 1984. In the opinion<br />

of both examining psychiatrists, he had been suffering from an<br />

episode when the murder occurred, based not only on this history<br />

but also on his attire and unusual behaviour at the time in question.<br />

There was no competing evidence to contradict the medical<br />

evidence, but the jury rejected it, presumably on the belief that he<br />

was experiencing a lucid interval. Thus, the opinion of two experts<br />

(one with considerable experience) was discarded in favour of pure<br />

speculation. This is difficult to justify, and it underlines the flaws of<br />

the outdated insanity test, which are exacerbated by the rules of<br />

criminal procedure under which a determination of insanity is a<br />

question of fact for the jury.<br />

28 (1843) 10 Cl & Fin 200.<br />

29 John Cyril Smith and Brian Hogan, Criminal Law, 7th ed. (London, Butterworths, 1992), p.<br />

207.<br />

30 Amnesty International, Caribbean: Death Penalty in the English-Speaking Caribbean: A Human<br />

Rights Issue (AMR 05/001/2012, 30 November 2012), available from www.amnesty.org/en/<br />

library/info/AMR05/001/2012/en.<br />

31 CATT Crim 12/2009, decision dated 29 July 2010, available from www.ttlawcourts.org.<br />

136 137

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