PENALTY
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a result of some form of domestic violence.” 48 Whether or not this is<br />
still true, the multiple failings that existed in the Ramjattan case indicate<br />
that gender bias in the criminal justice system is an overlooked<br />
problem. One organisation, Equality Now, has suggested that the<br />
discriminatory treatment of women works in the opposite direction<br />
as well—that when they are murder victims, their perpetrators are<br />
treated far more leniently than Indravani Ramjattan was. 49<br />
Poverty and due process<br />
In 2012 Amnesty International commented:<br />
The criminal justice systems in many ESC countries are<br />
struggling with caseloads that far exceed their capacity.<br />
This often results in violation of due process and prolonged<br />
delays. Factors contributing to delays include inadequate<br />
staffing levels, resources and legal representation; insufficient<br />
jurors; inadequate witness protection programmes; and high<br />
and increasing crime rates. Weaknesses in forensic analysis<br />
and delays in processing evidence in crime laboratories also<br />
contribute to systemic delays and errors in trial proceedings<br />
and scheduling. 50<br />
These deficiencies are intensified where defendants are poor and<br />
unrepresented, a reality of many capital cases across the Caribbean.<br />
Even though legal aid is provided by the state, the quality obtained<br />
often reflects the paltry remuneration offered. Moreover, legal aid is<br />
activated for the first time only at the preliminary inquiry, and after<br />
that may not be consistent or structured. This means that at the crucial<br />
pretrial and investigative stage, suspects are at the mercy of the state’s<br />
powerful machinery. Violations thus flourish during this period when<br />
suspects are likely to be held incommunicado, without access even to<br />
relatives or friends, much less a lawyer. At this time, when a suspect is<br />
48 Leonard Birdsong, “In quest of gender-bias in death penalty cases: analyzing the English speaking<br />
Caribbean experience”, Indiana International & Comparative Law Review, vol. 10, no. 317<br />
(2000), p. 324 ff.<br />
49 See Equality Now, “Trinidad and Tobago: the imminent execution of a battered woman and<br />
her defenders” (1 October1998), available from www.equalitynow.org/node/188.<br />
50 Amnesty International, Caribbean: Death Penalty in the English-Speaking Caribbean.<br />
at his or her most vulnerable, it is easier to obtain signed confessions,<br />
but the possibility that such confessions might be unreliable or just<br />
plain fabricated is suggested by the number of convictions that are<br />
challenged, often successfully, on this ground alone. 51<br />
Even after legal aid is provided, it is by no means assured that criminal<br />
defendants will have meaningful access to their advisers, who<br />
tend to change multiple times throughout the process. There have<br />
been several cases in which counsel was appointed on the day of the<br />
trial and either forced to go on immediately or given only a short<br />
adjournment 52 —or even for no counsel to be appointed, leaving the<br />
defendant unrepresented. 53 It is also not unusual for very junior counsel<br />
to be appointed—in one case, a lawyer of three months’ standing<br />
was appointed for a defendant on the morning of the trial. 54 Predictably,<br />
in these situations the quality of representation is far below the<br />
standard required for a proper defence in any criminal case, much less<br />
one in which the possible outcome is a death sentence.<br />
These failings are powerfully exemplified in Ann Marie Boodram v. the State,<br />
another case from Trinidad and Tobago. 55 The appellant had been<br />
assigned several lawyers before one was finally secured to represent<br />
her during her retrial. The court-appointed defence counsel failed to<br />
object to deposition evidence of a dead witness, failed to object to a<br />
confession despite doubts as to its voluntary nature, including an allegation<br />
that the appellant was raped by a senior police officer involved<br />
in the investigation, and most astonishing of all, conducted the majority<br />
of the defence unaware that it was a retrial. When he became<br />
aware of this, he failed to obtain the transcript of the earlier proceedings.<br />
In quashing the conviction, the Privy Council concluded that<br />
“Mr. Sawh’s multiple failures, and in particular his extraordinary failure<br />
. . . to enquire into what happened at the first trial, reveal either<br />
51 The Ramjattan case is a good example of a common situation, but the findings of the HRC<br />
substantiate this failing in many cases. See Christopher Brown v. Jamaica (775/97); Kennedy v.<br />
Trinidad and Tobago CCPR/C/67/D/845/1999; Errol Johnson v. Jamaica (588/94); Pennant<br />
v. Jamaica (647/95); and the cases discussed by the Inter-American Commission on Human<br />
Rights in The Death Penalty in the Inter-American Human Rights System: From Restrictions to<br />
Abolition (OEA/Ser.L/V/II., Doc. 68, 31 December 2011), pp. 130-138.<br />
52 Desmond Allum and Gregory Delzin, Report on the Criminal Justice System in Trinidad and<br />
Tobago (2003), paragraph 88.<br />
53 Frank Robinson v. Jamaica, U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/35/D/223/1987 (1989).<br />
54 Bernard v. the State (2007) UKPC 34 (PC, T&T).<br />
55 [2001] UKPC 20 (PC, T&T).<br />
144 145