PENALTY
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that surrounds capital punishment in Japan is taken to extremes not<br />
seen in other nations” and that the public only has very abstract ideas<br />
about the punishment. 20 This inevitably poses the question: on what<br />
grounds does the public support the death penalty?<br />
A recent study by Mai Sato argued that, although the Japanese assertion<br />
that retaining capital punishment is a democratic obligation<br />
may be theoretically coherent, it requires reliable evidence that the<br />
public feel so strongly in favour of retaining the death penalty that<br />
to abolish it would undermine the legitimacy of the criminal justice<br />
system. 21 In other words, the Japanese government’s case is defensible<br />
only if the surveys on which it relies accurately capture public attitudes<br />
on the subject. Sato tested this through three rigorous surveys<br />
of public opinion and found that the government’s interpretation of<br />
its survey—and its contention that it reliably reflected the views of<br />
the public as a whole—was seriously flawed. Her findings suggest that<br />
opposition to abolition is neither as strong nor as unalterable as the<br />
government claims. With more information and greater transparency<br />
about how the death penalty system works in practice, and reliable<br />
evidence on whether the execution rate has any deterrent effect on<br />
the murder rate, a more accurate sense of the Japanese public’s support<br />
for the death penalty would emerge. This suggests that retention<br />
of the death penalty in Japan is not so central to popular trust in the<br />
criminal justice system that abolition would result in the erosion of<br />
political and judicial legitimacy.<br />
Malaysia<br />
In Malaysia, death is the mandatory penalty for murder, trafficking<br />
in certain amounts of narcotics, and discharging a firearm during the<br />
commission of various crimes, even if no one is hurt. There is a growing<br />
debate on whether the mandatory death penalty should be replaced<br />
by a discretionary system where it is used only in exceptional circumstances,<br />
or abolished altogether. In a recent public opinion survey of<br />
1,535 Malaysian citizens on this issue, 22 a large majority said they were<br />
20 David Johnson, “When the state kills in secret: capital punishment in Japan” Punishment and<br />
Society, vol. 8, issue 3 (2006), pp. 251-285, at p. 251.<br />
21 Mai Sato, The Death Penalty in Japan: Will the Public Tolerate Abolition? (Wiesbaden, Springer,<br />
2014).<br />
22 Roger Hood, The Death Penalty in Malaysia (London, The Death Penalty Project, 2013).<br />
in favour of the death penalty (either mandatory or discretionary): 91<br />
per cent for murder, 74-80 per cent for drug trafficking (depending<br />
on the drug concerned), and 83 per cent for firearms offences. Concerning<br />
the mandatory death penalty, 56 per cent said they were in<br />
favour of it for murder, but only 25-44 per cent supported it for drug<br />
trafficking and 45 per cent for firearms offences.<br />
When asked what sentences they themselves would impose on a<br />
series of hypothetical cases, all of which were subject to a mandatory<br />
death sentence, respondents gave markedly different answers than<br />
they had given to the more theoretical questions. For none of four<br />
hypothetical drug trafficking cases did more than 30 per cent choose<br />
the death penalty. Only 8 per cent chose death for all the cases they<br />
judged. Only 1.2 per cent thought that the death penalty was the<br />
appropriate punishment for all 12 hypothetical cases of murder, drug<br />
trafficking and firearms offences, showing decisively that the vast<br />
majority favoured discretionary use of the death penalty.<br />
These findings suggest that there would be little public opposition<br />
to abolition of the mandatory death penalty. Public support for the<br />
death penalty for drug trafficking and firearms offences, as well as for<br />
murder, was not nearly as strong as had been assumed, so may not be<br />
a definite barrier to complete abolition.<br />
Trinidad<br />
Another study recently surveyed 1,000 residents of Trinidad,<br />
focusing on support for and use of the mandatory death penalty<br />
for murder under current Trinidadian law. 23 It found that a large<br />
majority of Trinidadians are in favour of the death penalty, but only<br />
a minority (close to a quarter) favour it being mandatory for all<br />
murders. Trinidadians also favoured discretionary use of the death<br />
penalty in cases involving violent robbery or drug or gang killing,<br />
preferring to take into account mitigating factors such as age and<br />
previous good character. When faced with three murder scenarios,<br />
only 1 in 5 survey respondents thought that the death penalty was<br />
the appropriate punishment for all three crimes. The majority of<br />
23 Roger Hood and Florence Seemungal, Public Opinion Survey on the Mandatory Death Penalty<br />
in Trinidad (London: The Death Penalty Project, 2011).<br />
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