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that surrounds capital punishment in Japan is taken to extremes not<br />

seen in other nations” and that the public only has very abstract ideas<br />

about the punishment. 20 This inevitably poses the question: on what<br />

grounds does the public support the death penalty?<br />

A recent study by Mai Sato argued that, although the Japanese assertion<br />

that retaining capital punishment is a democratic obligation<br />

may be theoretically coherent, it requires reliable evidence that the<br />

public feel so strongly in favour of retaining the death penalty that<br />

to abolish it would undermine the legitimacy of the criminal justice<br />

system. 21 In other words, the Japanese government’s case is defensible<br />

only if the surveys on which it relies accurately capture public attitudes<br />

on the subject. Sato tested this through three rigorous surveys<br />

of public opinion and found that the government’s interpretation of<br />

its survey—and its contention that it reliably reflected the views of<br />

the public as a whole—was seriously flawed. Her findings suggest that<br />

opposition to abolition is neither as strong nor as unalterable as the<br />

government claims. With more information and greater transparency<br />

about how the death penalty system works in practice, and reliable<br />

evidence on whether the execution rate has any deterrent effect on<br />

the murder rate, a more accurate sense of the Japanese public’s support<br />

for the death penalty would emerge. This suggests that retention<br />

of the death penalty in Japan is not so central to popular trust in the<br />

criminal justice system that abolition would result in the erosion of<br />

political and judicial legitimacy.<br />

Malaysia<br />

In Malaysia, death is the mandatory penalty for murder, trafficking<br />

in certain amounts of narcotics, and discharging a firearm during the<br />

commission of various crimes, even if no one is hurt. There is a growing<br />

debate on whether the mandatory death penalty should be replaced<br />

by a discretionary system where it is used only in exceptional circumstances,<br />

or abolished altogether. In a recent public opinion survey of<br />

1,535 Malaysian citizens on this issue, 22 a large majority said they were<br />

20 David Johnson, “When the state kills in secret: capital punishment in Japan” Punishment and<br />

Society, vol. 8, issue 3 (2006), pp. 251-285, at p. 251.<br />

21 Mai Sato, The Death Penalty in Japan: Will the Public Tolerate Abolition? (Wiesbaden, Springer,<br />

2014).<br />

22 Roger Hood, The Death Penalty in Malaysia (London, The Death Penalty Project, 2013).<br />

in favour of the death penalty (either mandatory or discretionary): 91<br />

per cent for murder, 74-80 per cent for drug trafficking (depending<br />

on the drug concerned), and 83 per cent for firearms offences. Concerning<br />

the mandatory death penalty, 56 per cent said they were in<br />

favour of it for murder, but only 25-44 per cent supported it for drug<br />

trafficking and 45 per cent for firearms offences.<br />

When asked what sentences they themselves would impose on a<br />

series of hypothetical cases, all of which were subject to a mandatory<br />

death sentence, respondents gave markedly different answers than<br />

they had given to the more theoretical questions. For none of four<br />

hypothetical drug trafficking cases did more than 30 per cent choose<br />

the death penalty. Only 8 per cent chose death for all the cases they<br />

judged. Only 1.2 per cent thought that the death penalty was the<br />

appropriate punishment for all 12 hypothetical cases of murder, drug<br />

trafficking and firearms offences, showing decisively that the vast<br />

majority favoured discretionary use of the death penalty.<br />

These findings suggest that there would be little public opposition<br />

to abolition of the mandatory death penalty. Public support for the<br />

death penalty for drug trafficking and firearms offences, as well as for<br />

murder, was not nearly as strong as had been assumed, so may not be<br />

a definite barrier to complete abolition.<br />

Trinidad<br />

Another study recently surveyed 1,000 residents of Trinidad,<br />

focusing on support for and use of the mandatory death penalty<br />

for murder under current Trinidadian law. 23 It found that a large<br />

majority of Trinidadians are in favour of the death penalty, but only<br />

a minority (close to a quarter) favour it being mandatory for all<br />

murders. Trinidadians also favoured discretionary use of the death<br />

penalty in cases involving violent robbery or drug or gang killing,<br />

preferring to take into account mitigating factors such as age and<br />

previous good character. When faced with three murder scenarios,<br />

only 1 in 5 survey respondents thought that the death penalty was<br />

the appropriate punishment for all three crimes. The majority of<br />

23 Roger Hood and Florence Seemungal, Public Opinion Survey on the Mandatory Death Penalty<br />

in Trinidad (London: The Death Penalty Project, 2011).<br />

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