PENALTY
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where since abolition of the death penalty it has proven easier to<br />
obtain convictions for murder rather than the less serious offence of<br />
manslaughter. In fact, the proportion convicted of murder among all<br />
those convicted of a homicide in England and Wales increased from<br />
28 per cent in 1965 (the year that capital punishment was abolished)<br />
to 63 per cent in 2005/2006. 14 The same has been true in Canada,<br />
where the conviction rate for first-degree (capital) murder, rather than<br />
second-degree murder or a lesser charge, has doubled from under 10<br />
per cent when execution would result, to about 20 per cent “now<br />
they [juries] are not compelled to make life-and-death decisions.” 15<br />
PUBLIC OPINION WORLDWIDE<br />
Support in the United States for executions is decreasing. According<br />
to Gallup polls, public support fell from 80 per cent in 1994 to<br />
60 per cent in October 2013. In November 2012, California held a<br />
plebiscite to decide whether the death penalty should be abolished<br />
and replaced by life imprisonment without parole. It was defeated by<br />
a margin of only 6 percentage points (53 per cent to 47 per cent).<br />
The risk of innocent people being executed; the cost of obtaining a<br />
conviction for capital murder, holding a prisoner on death row and<br />
providing a lengthy appeals process; 16 and the rising use of the primary<br />
alternative—life in prison without the prospect of parole—are<br />
all factors in the declining level of public support. The proportion of<br />
supporters of capital punishment who say that they favour it because<br />
of its deterrent effect has dropped remarkably in recent years.<br />
A number of public opinion polls in the United States have shown<br />
the same trend, but what of other retentionist nations? This section<br />
14 Kevin Smith, ed., Kathryn Coleman, Simon Eder and Philip Hall, “Table 1.02: Offences initially<br />
recorded as homicide by outcome, 1999/00 to 2009/10”, in Homicide, Firearm Offences and<br />
Intimate Violence 2009-10, Home Office Statistical Bulletin 01/11 (2011).<br />
15 Mark Warren, The Death Penalty in Canada: Facts, Figures and Milestones (London, Amnesty<br />
International, 2005).<br />
16 A recent study of the cost of the death penalty in Colorado showed that capital proceedings require<br />
six times more days in court and take considerably longer to resolve than life-without-parole<br />
cases. Justin Marceau and Hollis Whitson, “The cost of Colorado’s death penalty”, University<br />
of Denver Criminal Law Review, vol. 3 (2013), pp. 145 ff. And a report of the California<br />
Commission on the Fair Administration of Justice found that the additional cost of confining<br />
an inmate to death row—as compared to a maximum-security prison for a life-without-parole<br />
sentence—is $90,000 per year per inmate. California Commission on the Fair Administration<br />
of Justice, Report and Recommendations on the Administration of the Death Penalty in California<br />
(2008), available from www.ccfaj.org/documents/reports/dp/official/FINAL%20REPORT%20<br />
DEATH%20<strong>PENALTY</strong>.pdf.<br />
will look at surveys from Asia and the Caribbean, where governments<br />
have claimed that public opinion would be hostile to abolition.<br />
Japan<br />
Statements from the judiciary and the executive in Japan justify retention<br />
of capital punishment on the grounds that a democratic government<br />
cannot ignore strong public support for it without endangering public<br />
confidence in, and support for, the law. In this, they draw on an official<br />
government survey on the death penalty that has been conducted<br />
since 1956, approximately every five years. In the most recent survey,<br />
conducted in 2009, 86 per cent of respondents favoured retention. In<br />
2010 the minister of justice said that this high level of support should<br />
be respected as an expression of “the voice of the people.” 17<br />
There is a great deal of secrecy around the death penalty in Japan.<br />
Until 2007 the Japanese government did not announce the names of<br />
prisoners and the crimes they had committed after executions. And as<br />
a powerful Amnesty International report pointed out, death-sentenced<br />
prisoners and their family members are not informed of execution<br />
dates. The inmate is only informed of the execution a few hours before<br />
it takes place. 18<br />
What is more, there is still no official information on how and when<br />
prisoners under sentence of death are selected for execution, how<br />
they are treated on death row, or what the cost of the death penalty<br />
is compared to life imprisonment. At the time of writing, Japan had<br />
157 people on death row in solitary confinement 19 —which is probably<br />
double the number at the turn of the millennium, as the number<br />
of death sentences has risen. This kind of information is only available<br />
informally through those who are involved in the execution process,<br />
and through somewhat speculative secondary sources. The government<br />
does not ensure the publication of accurate information on the<br />
process or outcomes. This has led scholars to state that “the secrecy<br />
17 Yomiuri newspaper, 2010, cited in Mai Sato, The Death Penalty in Japan: Will the Public Tolerate<br />
Abolition? (Wiesbaden, Springer, 2014), p. 25.<br />
18 Amnesty International, “Will This Day Be My Last?” The Death Penalty in Japan (July 2006),<br />
AI Index: ASA 22/006/2006.<br />
19 Death Penalty Worldwide (updated 12 November 2013), available from www.deathpenaltyworldwide.org/country-search-post.cfm?country=Japan.<br />
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