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The Expansion of tolerance

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Johannes Vingboons, Map <strong>of</strong> Recife and Mauricia (ca. 1665). This map shows the capital <strong>of</strong><br />

Dutch Brazil at the time when it was finally surrendered to the Portuguese in 1654.<br />

contact with the Dutch enemy, and that ‘carried by private interests and relations<br />

they might leave (God forbid) the Holy Faith and separate from the<br />

purity <strong>of</strong> the Christian religion’. 33<br />

In fact, even after 1641, while relations improved, the number <strong>of</strong><br />

conversions was small; but Portuguese appreciation for Johan Maurits’<br />

religious and commercial policies was great. Moradores, Indians and blacks<br />

all cried at his departure. Portuguese settlers still referred to him as ‘our<br />

Saint Anthony’ and years later, in 1647, after Johan Maurits had gone back to<br />

Europe, the very possibility <strong>of</strong> his returning to Brazil was enough to make<br />

Portuguese policy-makers afraid that he might undercut the rebellion by<br />

attracting the inhabitants <strong>of</strong> Brazil to his side once again. 34 <strong>The</strong> joint<br />

inducements <strong>of</strong> liberty <strong>of</strong> trade and liberty <strong>of</strong> conscience posed a real threat.<br />

Once the War <strong>of</strong> Divine Liberation had begun, the rhetoric <strong>of</strong> confessional<br />

animosity and national loyalties set the parameters <strong>of</strong> behavior again<br />

and were later adopted in a nationalist historiography. 35 Under ecclesiastical<br />

urgings from pulpits and on the battlefield, Luso-Brazilian forces and leaders<br />

meted out particularly harsh punishments to Catholic converts, black or<br />

55

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