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Paris School of Economics - L'Agence Française de Développement

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expectancy, malnutrition — without necessarily<br />

expecting to be able to combine them into a<br />

complete or<strong>de</strong>ring (Sen, 2009).<br />

Sen’s concerns must be taken seriously, but<br />

whether or not SWB measures have the sort<br />

<strong>of</strong> bias i<strong>de</strong>ntified by Sen is an empirical matter,<br />

at least in part. Nothing rules out the possibility<br />

that some SWB measures are good indicators<br />

<strong>of</strong> capabilities, and even if they cannot<br />

serve as overall indicators, they are certainly<br />

important measures in their own right: it is<br />

surely better to be happy than sad, to be carefree<br />

than to be worried, and to perceive one’s<br />

life as going well rather than badly. On this<br />

empirical evi<strong>de</strong>nce, the jury is still out. In particular,<br />

there is no complete resolution <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Easterlin (1974) paradox that at least some<br />

measures <strong>of</strong> SWB have not increased with<br />

economic growth, although Stevenson and<br />

Wolfers (2008) have ma<strong>de</strong> some progress in<br />

that direction. If economic growth brings no<br />

increase in SWB, most economists still tend<br />

to believe that this reveals the <strong>de</strong>ficiencies <strong>of</strong><br />

SWB measures, and not follow Easterlin and<br />

Layard into the belief that economic growth<br />

does not improve the human lot. It turns out<br />

that it is important not to treat all SWB meas-<br />

ures as the same because they correspond to<br />

different aspects <strong>of</strong> well-being. In particular,<br />

measures <strong>of</strong> momentary affect (or affect yesterday)<br />

capture current hedonic well-being —<br />

the experiences that make up the emotional<br />

texture <strong>of</strong> life — while life evaluation measures<br />

capture, not people’s current feelings, but<br />

how they think about their lives, the distinction<br />

between experiencing life and thinking<br />

about it (Kahneman and Riis, 2005). Across<br />

countries, the Cantril life evaluation measure<br />

(a scale <strong>of</strong> 0 to 10 from the worst possible life<br />

to the best possible life) is astonishingly well<br />

predicted by (the logarithm <strong>of</strong>) per capita<br />

GDP, both among individuals and national<br />

averages (Deaton, 2008). Within the contemporary<br />

United States, hedonic experience<br />

responds to household income, but satiates at<br />

an income level <strong>of</strong> around $75,000, whereas<br />

life evaluation continues to rise with income<br />

(Kahneman and Deaton, 2010). There is at<br />

least the possibility here that life evaluation<br />

measures do respond to economic growth<br />

over time, which would help resolve the<br />

Easterlin paradox, although we do not yet<br />

have long enough time series <strong>of</strong> the Cantril<br />

measure to know.<br />

December 2011 / Measure for Measure / How Well Do We Measure Development? / © AFD [ 23<br />

]

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