Untitled - Rebel Studies Library
Untitled - Rebel Studies Library
Untitled - Rebel Studies Library
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
90<br />
PLANET OF SLUMS<br />
End of the Urban Frontier?<br />
The squatter is still the major human symbol, whether as victim or<br />
hero, of the Third World city. Yet, as we saw in the previous chapter,<br />
the golden age of squatting - of free or low-cost occupation of peripheral<br />
urban land - was clearly over by 1990. Indeed, as early as 1984, a<br />
group of leading housing experts meeting in Bangkok warned that the<br />
"no cost occupation of land is a temporary phenomenon," and that the<br />
"options for informal solutions [to the housing crisis] have been<br />
already reduced and will rapidly become more so" as "powerful and<br />
integrated private organizations" take control of urbanization at the<br />
periphery. "In their view, the formalization of transferable land titles<br />
(as distinct from security of tenure) was actually accelerating the<br />
process by which entrepreneurs who "circumvented or corrupted" the<br />
planning process were able to privatize squatting.71<br />
A few years later, Ellen Brennan repeated the same warning: "Many<br />
options previously available to low-income people, such as unused<br />
public land, are disappearing rapidly even as access to peripheral land<br />
is becoming increasingly restricted. Indeed, vacant land on the urban<br />
fringes and elsewhere is being assembled and developed by corporate<br />
developers, legally and illegally." Brennan observed that the problem<br />
was just as acute where most of the land was in the public domain<br />
(Karachi and Delhi) as where the periphery was mostly private property<br />
(Manila, Seoul, and Bangkok).72<br />
.<br />
In the same period, Alan Gilbert wrote with increasing pessimism<br />
about the future role of squatting and self-help housing as safety valves<br />
for the social contradictions of Latin American cities. He predicted that<br />
the confluence of pirate urbanization, economic stagnation, and the<br />
costs of lransportation would make homeownership in peripheral subdivisions<br />
or shantytowns less attractive than in the past: "More families<br />
will occupy smaller plots, will take longer to consolidate their homes,<br />
and will be forced to live longer without services."73 Although emphasizing<br />
that peripheral real-estate markets still provided an important<br />
71 Baross and Jan van der Linden, "Introduction," in The Transformation f Land<br />
Supply in Third World Cities, pp. 1, 2, 8.<br />
72 Brennan, "Urban Land and Planning Issues Facing the Third World,"<br />
pp. 75-76.<br />
73 Gilbert et aI., In Search if a Home, p. 3.<br />
ILLUSIONS OF SELF-HELP 91<br />
alternative for middle-class families priced out of their former habitats,<br />
Alain Durand-Lasserve, another world authority on land management,<br />
agreed with Brennan and Gilbert that commercialization had "foreclosed<br />
the informal and virtually free access to the land" that the very<br />
poor had previously enjoyed.74<br />
Everywhere, the most powerful local interests - big developers,<br />
politicians, and military juntas - have positioned themselves to take<br />
advantage of peripheral land sales to poor migrants as well as members<br />
of the urban salariat. For example, a sampling of landownership on the<br />
periphery of Jakarta revealed "that vast tracts of land, especially in the<br />
hill country of the Priangan, have changed hands and now belong to<br />
Indonesian generals and their families, higher government officials, and<br />
other members of the Indonesian upper class."7s Similarly in Mexico<br />
City, where most slum housing is now being subdivided from Ijidos,<br />
Keith Pezzoli found that "ljidatarios lose out in the process of urbanization,"<br />
as "developers and speculators are consolidating control over<br />
unbuilt land."76 In Bogota, as big developers implant middle-class<br />
housing estates on the periphery, urban-edge land values soar out of<br />
the reach of the poor, while in Brazil speculation grips every category<br />
of land, with an estimated one third of building space left vacant in<br />
anticipation of future increases.77<br />
In China the urban edge - as noted earlier - has become the arena<br />
of a vast, one-sided social struggle between city governments and poor<br />
farmers. In the face of development authorities' inexhaustible appetite<br />
for new land for economic zones and suburbs, peasants are pushed<br />
aside with minimal consideration or compensation; likewise, traditional<br />
working-class neighborhoods and villages are routinely razed for more<br />
upscale developments, often to the advantage of corrupt officials and<br />
party leaders. When locals protest, they end up being confronted by<br />
paramilitary police and often face prison terms.78<br />
74 Alain Durand-Lasserve, "Articulation between Formal and Informal Land<br />
Markets in Cities in Developing Countries: Issues and Trends," in Baross and van der<br />
Linden, The Transformation if Land Supply in Third Warld Cities, p. 50.<br />
75 Evers and Korff, Southeast .Asian Urbanism, p. 176.<br />
76 Pezzoli, Human Settlements, p. 15.<br />
77 Gilbert and Varley, Landlord and Tenant, pp. 3, 5.<br />
78 See the fifth installment in Jim Yardley'S outstanding series on rural/urban<br />
inequality in China in the New York Times, 8 December 2004.