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Untitled - Rebel Studies Library

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156 PLANET OF SLUMS<br />

structural adjustment, according to local researchers, manufactured 1.1<br />

million "new poor," most out of the decimated ranks of the public<br />

sector.16 In Abidjan, one of the few tropical African cities with an<br />

important manufacturing sector and modern urban services, submission<br />

to the SAP regime punctually led to deindustrialization, the<br />

collapse of construction, and a rapid deterioration in public transit and<br />

sanitation; as a result, urban poverty in Ivory Coast - the supposed<br />

"tiger" economy of West Africa - doubled in the year 1987-88.17 In<br />

Balogun's Nigeria, extreme poverty, increasingly urbanized in Lagos,<br />

Ibadan, and other cities, metastasized from 28 percent in 1980 to 66<br />

percent in 1996. "GNP per capita is about $260 today;' the World Bank<br />

reports, "below the level at independence 40 years ago and below the<br />

$370 level attained in 1985."18 Overall, geographer Deborah Potts<br />

points out, wages have fallen so low in African cities that researchers<br />

can't figure how the poor manage to survive: this is the so-called "wage<br />

puzzle."19<br />

In Latin America, beginning with General Pinochet's neoliberal<br />

coup in 1973, structural adjustment was closely associated with<br />

military dictatorship and the repression of the popular Left. One of<br />

the most striking results of this hemispheric counter-revolution was<br />

lc the rapid urbanization of poverty. In 1970, Guevarist flco theories of<br />

rural insurgency still conformed to a continental reality where the<br />

poverty of the countryside (75 million poor) overshadowed that of the<br />

cities (44 million poor) . By the end of the 1980s, however, the vast<br />

majority of the poor (1 15 million) were living in urban colonias, barn'adas,<br />

and villas miserias rather than on farms or in rural villages (80<br />

million) , zo<br />

According to ILO research, urban poverty in Latin America rose by<br />

an extraordinary 50 percent just in the first half of the decade, 1980 to<br />

1986.21 The average incomes of the working population fell by 40<br />

percent in Venezuela, 30 percent in Argentina, and 21 percent in Brazil<br />

16 Adil Mustafa Ahmad and Atta El-Hassan El-Batthani, "Poverty in Khartoum,"<br />

Environment and Urbanization 7:2 (October 1995), p. 205.<br />

17 Sethuraman, "Urban Poverty and the Informal Sector", p. 3<br />

18 World Bank, Nigeria: Country Brief, September 2003.<br />

19 Potts, "Urban Lives," p. 459.<br />

20 UN, World Urbanization Pro.rpects, p. 12.<br />

21 Potts, "Urban Lives," p. 459.<br />

SAPING THE THIRD \,{'ORLD 157<br />

and Costa Rica.22 In Mexico informal employment almost doubled<br />

between 1980 and 1987, while social expenditure fell to half its 1980<br />

leve1.23 In Peru the 1980s ended in an SAP-induced "hyper-recession"<br />

that cut formal employment from 60 to 11 percent of the urban workforce<br />

in three years and opened the doors of Lima's slums to the occult<br />

revolution of Sendero Luminoso.24<br />

Meanwhile, broad sections of the educated middle class, accustomed<br />

to live-in servants and European vacations, suddenly found<br />

themselves in the ranks of the new poor. In some cases, downward<br />

mobility was almost as abrupt as in Africa: the percentage of the urban<br />

population living in poverty, for example, increased by 5 percent in a<br />

single year (1980-81) in both Chile and Brazi1.25 But the same adjustments<br />

that crushed the poor and the public-sector middle class offered<br />

lucrative opportunities to privatizers, foreign importers, narcotrqfficantes,<br />

military brass, and political insiders. Conspicuous consumption reached<br />

hallucinatory levels in Latin America and Africa during the 1980s as the<br />

nouveaux riches went on spending sprees in Miami and Paris while their<br />

shantytown compatriots starved.<br />

Indices of inequality reached record heights in the 1980s. In Buenos<br />

Aires the richest decile's share of income increased from 10 times that<br />

of the poorest in 1984 to 23 times in 1989. In Rio de Janeiro, inequality<br />

as measured in classical GINI coefficients climbed from 0.58 in<br />

1981 to 0.67 in 1989,z6 Indeed, throughout Latin America, the 1980s<br />

deepened the canyons and elevated the peaks of the world's most<br />

'extreme social topography. According to a 2003 World Bank report,<br />

GINI coefficients are 10 points higher in Latin America than Asia;<br />

17.5 points higher than the OECD; and 2004 points higher than<br />

Eastern Europe. Even the most egalitarian country in Latin America,<br />

22 Alberto Minujin, "Squeezed: The Middle Class in Latin America," Environment<br />

and Urbanization 7:2 (October 1995), p. 155.<br />

23 Agustin Escobar and Mercedes Gonzalez de la Rocha, "Crisis, Restructuring<br />

and Urban Poverty in Mexico," Rmironment and Urbanization 7:1 (April 1995), pp. 63-64.<br />

24 Henry Dietz, Urban Poverty, Political Participation, and the State: Lima, 1970-1990,<br />

Pittsburgh 1998, pp. 58, 65.<br />

25 A. Oberai, Population Growth, Employment and Poverty in Third World Megaities,<br />

p. 85.<br />

26 Luis Ainstein, "Buenos Aires: A Case of Deepening Social Polarization," in<br />

Gilbert, The Mega-City in Latin America, p. 139.

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