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Untitled - Rebel Studies Library

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86 PLANET OF SLUMS<br />

Even as metro Cairo has doubled its area in five years and new<br />

suburbs sprawl westward into the desert, the housing crisis remains<br />

acute: new housing is too expensive for the poor, and much of it is<br />

unoccupied because the owner is away working in Saudia Arabia or the<br />

Gulf. "Upwards of a mjJlion apartments," writes Jeffrey Nedoroscik,<br />

"stand empty ... there is no housing shortage per se. In fact, Cairo is<br />

filled with buildings that are half-empty."52<br />

"Dhaka, the world's poorest megacity," explains Ellen Brennan,<br />

"has seen intensive urban land speculation. An estimated one-third of<br />

expatriate remittances have gone for land purchases. Land prices have<br />

risen about 40 to 60 percent faster than prices of other goods and<br />

services and are now completely out of line with income levels."53<br />

Another South Asia example is Colombo, where property values<br />

increased a thousandfold during the late 1970s and 1980s, pushing large<br />

numbers of older, poorer urban residents into peri-urban areas. 54<br />

Overcrowded, poorly maintained slum dwellings, meanwhile, are<br />

often more profitable per square foot than other types of real-estate<br />

investment. In Brazil, where much of the middle class serves as<br />

landlord to the poor, ownership of a few tenements (porticos) leverages<br />

many professionals and middle managers into Copacabana lifestyles.<br />

Researchers for UN-HABITAT were surprised to find that "portico rent<br />

price per square meter in Sao Paulo is around 90 percent higher than in<br />

the formal market."55 In Quito wealthy landowners sell off parcels of<br />

land in foothills and steep ravines - usually above the 2850-meter city<br />

limit, the highest level to which the muncipal system can pump water<br />

- through intermediaries (urbanizadores piratas) to land-hungry ' immigrants,<br />

letting the residents later fight for city services. 56 Discussing<br />

Bogota's "pirate housing market," land economist Umberto Molina<br />

claims that speculators are developing the urban periphery at<br />

"monopoly prices" and enormous profits. 57<br />

52 Nedoroscik, The City f the Dead, p. 42.<br />

53 Brennan, "Urban Land and Housing Issues Facing the Third \X'orld," p. 76.<br />

54 Dayaratne and Samarawickrama, "Empowering Communities, p. 102.<br />

55 Fix, Arantes, and Tanaka, "Sao Paulo, Brazil," p. 18.<br />

56 Glasser, "The Growing Housing Crisis in Ecuador," p. 151. For Quito, see also<br />

Gerrit Burgwal, Caciquismo, Paralelismo and Clientelismo: The Histmy 0/ a Quito Squatter<br />

Settlement, Amsterdam 1993.<br />

57 Umberto Molina, "Bogota: Competition and Substitution Between Urban<br />

Land Markets," in Baken and van der Linden, p. 300.<br />

ILLUSIONS OF SELF-HELP 87<br />

In her book on Lagos, Margaret Peil explains that "there has been<br />

much less squatting ... than in eastern Africa or Latin America because<br />

the low level of government control over construction meant that<br />

legitimate houses could be easily and profitably built: housing the poor<br />

was good business ... the safest investment available, producing a quick<br />

return on capital."58 Wealthier Lagos landlords prefer to lease rather<br />

than sell land so that they can retain control of profits in a rapidly<br />

appreciating land market. 59 As in Kenya, politicians, along with traditional<br />

chiefs, have been prominent amongst the larger-scale speculators<br />

in slum housing.60<br />

Nairobi's slums, meanwhile, are vast rent plantations owned by<br />

politicians and the upper middle class. Although most of the private<br />

rental development "has no formal legal basis ... property relations<br />

and ownership [thanks to a corrupt political system] exist in a de facto<br />

sense."61 In Mathare 4A, where 28,000 people - the poorest of the<br />

poor - rent 9-by-12-meter mud-and-wattle hovels, the absentee landlords,<br />

according to a researcher for the :Ministry of Roads, are<br />

"powerful, forceful behind the scenes and are often prominent public<br />

figures, those connected to them or very wealthy individuals or<br />

firms."62 "Fifty-seven percent of the dwellings in one Nairobi slum,"<br />

write UN researchers in another study, "are owned by politicians and<br />

civil servants, and the shacks are the most profitable housing in the city.<br />

A slumlord who pays $160 for a 100-square-foot shack can recoup the<br />

entire investment in months."63<br />

Land speculation, as these Nairobi cases illustrate, can thrive even<br />

where the land involved is officially in the public domain - Egypt,<br />

Pakistan, China and Mali offer other egregious examples. In metro<br />

Cairo, writes architect-planner Khaled Adham, "the selling-off of<br />

58 Margaret Peil, Lagos: The City Is the People, London 1991, p. 146.<br />

59 Margaret Peil, "Urban Housing and Services in Anglophone West Africa," in<br />

Hamish Main and Stephen Williams (eds), Environment and Housing in Third World Cities,<br />

Chichester 1994, p. 176.<br />

60 Drakakis-Smith, Third World Cities, p. 146.<br />

61 Amis, "Commercialized Rental Housing in Nairobi," p. 245.<br />

62 Patrick Wasike, "The Redevelopment of Large Informal Settlements in<br />

Nairobi," Ministry of Roads and Public Works, Kenya, nd.<br />

63 Cited in Davan Maharaj, "Living on Pennies," part four, Los Angeles Times, 16<br />

July 2004.

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