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192<br />

PLANET OF SLUMS<br />

available for weeks or even months? Why continue the social convention<br />

of referring to a banknote as "money" when one is confronted daily<br />

with the fact that it is just a worthless slip of paper? ... What is the use<br />

of distinguishing between formal and informal or parallel economies<br />

when the informal has become the common and the formal has almost<br />

disappeared? 61<br />

The Kinois negotiate their city of ruins with an irrepressible sense of<br />

humor, but even flak-jacketed irony yields before the grimness of the<br />

social terrain: average income has fallen to under $100 per year; twothirds<br />

of the population is malnourished; the middle class is extinct;<br />

and one in five adults is HIV-positive.62 Three-quarters are likewise<br />

unable to afford formal healthcare and must resort instead to<br />

Pentecostal faith-healing or indigenous magic.63 And, as we shall see in<br />

a moment, the children of poor Kinois are turning into witches.<br />

Kinshasa, like the rest of Congo-Zaire, has been wrecked by a<br />

perfect storm of kleptocracy, Cold War geopolitics, structural adjustment,<br />

and chronic civil war. The Mobutu dictatorship, which for 32<br />

years systematically plundered the Congo, was the Frankenstein<br />

monster created and sustained by Washington, the IMF, and the World<br />

Bank, with the Quai d'Orsay in a supporting role. The World Bank ­<br />

nudged when needed by the State Department - encouraged Mobutu<br />

to use the collateral of his nation's mineral industries to borrow vast<br />

sums from foreign banks, knowing full well that most of the loans were<br />

going straight to private Swiss bank accounts. Then the IMF, starting<br />

with the first SAP in 1977, stepped in to make sure that ordinary<br />

Congolese paid off the debt with interest. The early conditionalities<br />

(enforced by an IMF team at Banque du Zaire and French personnel at<br />

the Ministry of Finance) decimated the civil service: a quarter-million<br />

public employees - the largest formal occupational group in the<br />

61 Filip De Boeck, "Kinshasa: Tales of the 'Invisible City' and the Second<br />

World," in Enwezor et aI., Under Siege, p. 258.<br />

62 James Astill, "Congo Casts out its Child Witches," ObJerver, 11 May 2003.<br />

63 Lynne Cripe et aI., "Abandonment and Separation of Children in the<br />

Democratic Republic of the Congo," US Agency for International Development evaluation<br />

report conducted by the Displaced Children and Orphans Fund and Leahy War<br />

Victims Contract (April 2002), pp. 5-7.<br />

A SURPLUS HUMANITY? 193<br />

economy - were laid off without benefits. Those who remained punctually<br />

turned to embezzlement and graft ("Article 1S") on an epic scale,<br />

with Mobutu's public endorsement.<br />

A decade later, with the Congo's once-impressive infrastructure rusted<br />

or looted, the IMF imposed a new SAP. Tshikala Biaya describes how the<br />

1987 agreement "sought to give 'legal power' to the informal sector and<br />

make it a new milch cow which would replace the welfare state that the<br />

IMF and the World Bank had just destroyed." The Club of Paris rolled<br />

over Mobutu's debt in exchange for further retrenchment in the public<br />

sector, more market openness, privatization of state companies, removal<br />

of exchange controls, and increased export of diamonds. Foreign<br />

imports flooded Zaire, home industries closed down, and another<br />

100,000 jobs were lost in Kinshasa. Hyperinflation promptly destroyed<br />

the monetary system and any semblance of economic rationality.64<br />

"Money," wrote Rene Devisch, "appeared to be a mysterious and<br />

fantastic entity, retaining no relation to either labor or production.<br />

People came to seek refuge in an economy of fortune."65 The Kinois,<br />

indeed, were caught up in a desperate frenzy of betting: French horse<br />

races, lotteries organized by the big breweries, bottle cap games by the<br />

soft drink companies, and, most fatefully, a pyramidal money scheme,<br />

secretly controlled by the military. (A similar quasi-magical "pyramidmania"<br />

would sweep Albania with equally devastating results in 1996-97,<br />

sucking up and destroying half the impoverished nation's GDP')66 Initial<br />

investors won radios or appliances from South Africa, inducing<br />

everyone else to gamble that they could board the scheme and then disembark<br />

before it crashed - but there were few survivors of the<br />

inevitable disaster. As Devisch explains, "With such a large part of the<br />

population of Kinshasa involved in these financial schemes, the effects<br />

of the collapse on the economy, and especially the informal sector, were<br />

64 Tshikala Biaya, "SAP: A Catalyst for the Underdevelopment and Privatization<br />

of Public Administration in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1997-2000," DPMN<br />

Bulletin 7:3 (December 2000).<br />

65 Devisch, "Frenzy, Violence, and Ethical Renewal in Kinshasa," p. 604.<br />

66 See analyses by World Bank researchers: Carlos Elbirt, "Albania under the<br />

Shadow of the Pyramids;" and Utpal Bhattacharya, "On the Possibility of Ponzi<br />

Schemes in Transition Economies," in Transition Newsletter (newsletter published by the<br />

World Bank Group) (January-February 2000), (www:worldbank.org/transitionnewsletter/janfeb600/pgs24-26.htm).

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