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Untitled - Rebel Studies Library

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100 PLANET OF SLUMS<br />

Urbanist Solomon Benjamin has studied the example of Bangalore,<br />

where the Agenda Task Force, which directs overall strategic decisionmaking,<br />

is firmly in the hands of the chief minister and major<br />

corporate interests, with negligible accountability to local elected representatives.<br />

"The zeal of the political elite to turn Bangalore into a<br />

Singapore has resulted in extensive evictions and demolitions of settlements,<br />

especially small business clusters in productive urban locations.<br />

The demolished land is reallocated by master planning to higher<br />

income interest groups, including corporations."17<br />

Similarly in Delhi - where Banashree Chatterjimitra finds that the<br />

government has utterly "subverted the objectives of supplying land for<br />

low income housing" by allowing it to be poached by the middle classes<br />

- the development authority has targeted nearly half a million squatters<br />

for eviction or "voluntary relocation."18 The Indian capital offers brutal<br />

confirmation of Jeremy Seabrook's contention that "the word 'infrastructure'<br />

is the new code word for the unceremonious clearance of the<br />

fragile shelters of the poor."19 Sprawling along the banks of Delhi's<br />

Yamuna River, Yamuna Pushta is a large and very poorjhuggi (squatter<br />

town) of 150,000, housing mainly Bengali Muslim refugees. Despite<br />

protests and riots, clearance of the area began in 2004 in order to make<br />

way for a river promenade and tourist amenities. %ile the government<br />

basks in international praise for its new "green plan," residents are<br />

being trucked away some 20 kilometers to a new peripheral slum,<br />

despite official evidence, according to the Hindustan Times, that<br />

"revealed that shiftingJhuggi dwellers of the Capital has decreased the<br />

average income of the relocated families by about 50 percent."20 "We<br />

have to spend at least half of what we earn commuting to our places<br />

of work in the city;' evictees complained to another newspaper<br />

reporter.21<br />

17 Solomon Benjamin, "Globalization's Impact on Local Government," UN­<br />

HABITAT Debate 7:4 (December 2001), p 25.<br />

.<br />

18 Banashree Chatterjimitra, "Land Supply for Low-Income Housing in Delhi,"<br />

In Baken and "an der Linden, Land Deliver} for Low Income Groups in Third World Cities,<br />

pp. 218-29; Neelima Risbud, "Policies for Tenure Security in Delhi," p 61.<br />

19 Seabrook, In the Cities of the South, p. 267.<br />

20 Varun Som, "Slumming It," Hindustan Times, 24 October 2003.<br />

21 Ranjit Devraj, "No Way but Down for India's Slum Dwellers," Asia Times,<br />

20 July 2000.<br />

HAUSSMANN IN THE TROPICS 101<br />

Urban Mrica, of course, has been the scene of repeated forced<br />

exoduses to clear the way for highways and luxury compounds. One of<br />

the most notorious and heartbreaking - rivaling Apartheid's demolitions<br />

of Sofiatown and Crossroads - was the destruction of Maroko in<br />

Lagos in 1990. A former fishing village at the swampy end of Lekki<br />

Peninsula, Maroko was colonized by poor people displaced in the late<br />

1950s "so that Victoria Island and Ikoyi could be drained and developed<br />

for Europeans and wealthy Africans." Although impoverished,<br />

Maroko became famous for its populistjoie de vivre, dark humor and<br />

spectacular music. By the early 1980s, the once marginal Lekki<br />

Peninsula itself was considered a prime site for the extension of highincome<br />

residences. The 1990 bulldozing of Maroko left 300,000<br />

homeless.22 "Few Nigerians alive," writes the poet Odia Ofeimun, "can<br />

forget the sense of betrayal and the trauma of severance that was occasioned<br />

when it happened under military jackboots. It was memorialized<br />

across Nigerian literature in poetry, drama and prose.'>23<br />

Under the regime of Daniel Arap Moi, Nairobi's political bosses and<br />

influential slumlords were allowed to build rental tenements on public<br />

land earmarked for roads, including a 60-meter strip through the heart<br />

of Kibera. Now the post-Moi government of President Mwai Kibaki<br />

wants to "restore order" to planning by clearing out more than onethird<br />

million tenants and squatters.24 During recent demolitions,<br />

residents - many of whom had been conned into investing their lives'<br />

savings into buying plots already dedicated to roads - were told by<br />

heavily armed police that they had a scant two hours to evacuate their<br />

homes.25<br />

When it comes to the reclamation of high-value land, ideological<br />

symbols and promises made to the poor mean very little to the bureaucrats<br />

in power. In Communist-governed Kolkata, for example,<br />

squatters have been evicted from the center to the edge, then evicted<br />

22 Margaret Peil, "Urban Housing and Services in Anglophone West Africa,"<br />

p. 178.<br />

23 Odia Ofeimun, "Invisible Chapters and Daring Visions," This Day, 31 July<br />

2003. Some examples: Ogaga Ifowodo, Red Rain (originally, Maroko} Blood); Maik<br />

Nwosu, Invisible Chapters; J.P. Clark, "Maroko" (in A Lot From Paradise); and Chris<br />

Abani's deliriously wonderful Grace/and.<br />

24 Vasagar, "Bulldozers Go in to Clear Kenya's Slum City."<br />

25 See articles in The East African Standard (Nairobi), 8-9 February 2004.

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