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BUSINESS DAY<br />

Insight<br />

NEWS YOU CAN TRUST I MONDAY <strong>07</strong> JANUARY <strong>2019</strong><br />

<strong>2019</strong> polls: Atiku has the vision but lacks momentum. Why?<br />

GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES<br />

OLU FASAN<br />

Dr. Fasan, a London-based<br />

lawyer and political economist,<br />

is a Visiting Fellow at the London<br />

School of Economics.<br />

e-mail: o.fasan@lse.ac.uk,<br />

twitter account: @olu_fasan<br />

At every election,<br />

newspapers and<br />

commentators advocate<br />

“issue-based<br />

campaign”. They call<br />

for messages containing ideas<br />

that the candidates want the<br />

voters to support. Yet, just about<br />

40 days before Nigeria’s presidential<br />

election, the ideas of the<br />

two main candidates, President<br />

Muhammadu Buhari and former<br />

Vice President Atiku Abubakar,<br />

are hardly the subject of media<br />

analysis or public discussion,<br />

despite sharp differences in their<br />

messages. For instance, while<br />

Buhari focuses his campaign on<br />

the narrow issues of corruption,<br />

security and the economy, Atiku<br />

sets out wide-ranging talking<br />

points about political, economic<br />

and institutional reforms. Yet,<br />

Buhari is getting most of the<br />

attention, while Atiku appears<br />

to be lacking momentum in the<br />

campaign. Why?<br />

Let’s start with the contrasts<br />

between their ideas. Buhari’s<br />

manifesto is essentially<br />

promising more of the same.<br />

If re-elected, President Buhari<br />

would do nothing differently,<br />

but instead intensify his current<br />

policies, including throwing more<br />

government money at tackling<br />

poverty and unemployment<br />

through the social intervention<br />

programmes. To be honest,<br />

Buhari’smanifesto simply lacks<br />

intellectual depth or “the vision<br />

thing”. But not so Atiku’s plan.<br />

His economic visionis truly<br />

radical, underpinned by extensive<br />

programme of deregulation and<br />

liberalisation. Equally radical are<br />

his proposed political reforms<br />

and anti-corruption strategy.<br />

Take political reforms. Along<br />

standing advocate of political<br />

restructuring, Atiku recalls in his<br />

manifesto that: “At independence,<br />

the various regions were<br />

growing at their own pace with<br />

the political and economic strategies<br />

that suited their individual<br />

peculiarities”. But now, he says,<br />

“the centre has a pervasive<br />

and over-bearing presence and<br />

influence on the other tiers of<br />

government”, adding that “Nigerian<br />

states have been reduced<br />

to parastatals of the federal<br />

government”. So, what would<br />

he do if elected? Well, he would,<br />

among other things, “decongest<br />

the exclusive and concurrent list<br />

in the Constitution”, to devolve<br />

powers, responsibilities and<br />

resources to Nigeria’s sub-units.<br />

What about Atiku’s anticorruption<br />

strategy? Well, this<br />

is far-reaching too. He outlines<br />

an elaborate set of “immediate<br />

actions”that he would take,<br />

if elected. For instance, Atiku<br />

promises that, within his administration’s<br />

“first 100 days in<br />

office”, he would: expeditiously<br />

pass critical legislation “relating<br />

to whistle-blowing, cybercrime,<br />

witness protection, electronic<br />

evidence, and asset forfeiture”;<br />

set up Major Corruption Case<br />

Monitoring and Review Committee<br />

that would include “NGOs,<br />

civil society organisations and<br />

media as observers”; and review<br />

and expedite action on the passage<br />

of all existing and pending<br />

new laws or amendments to all<br />

anti-corruption laws currently in<br />

the National Assembly. Theseare<br />

in addition to medium-term<br />

commitments on detection of<br />

corruption, sanctioning corrupt<br />

practices, institutional strengthening<br />

and reward system.<br />

Which brings me back to my<br />

questions. If everyone wants an<br />

issue-based campaign, why is the<br />

ongoing presidential campaign<br />

not about issues? Why are Atiku’s<br />

elaborate programmes of economic,<br />

political and governance<br />

reforms not being discussed and<br />

scrutinised? Why are comparisons<br />

not being made between<br />

Atiku’s and Buhari’s campaign<br />

promises? And why does Atiku<br />

seem to be struggling in this<br />

campaign, lacking momentum,<br />

despite the intellectual depth and<br />

radical nature of his plans?<br />

Last week, one of Buhari’s<br />

strong supporters mockingly<br />

asked Atiku to throw in the<br />

towel now as his campaign was<br />

going nowhere. Another tweeted<br />

that “Right now @atiku and his<br />

running mate @PeterObi are<br />

more of a liability 43 days to<br />

Presidential election in Nigeria”.<br />

But how could a challenger<br />

who promises to transform<br />

Nigeria politically, economically<br />

and institutionally be more of a<br />

liability than an incumbent who is<br />

focusing his campaign on narrow<br />

issues of corruption, security and<br />

the economy, in spite of his poor<br />

recordon these issues?<br />

Well, there are several reasons<br />

why Atiku appears to be<br />

struggling. The first is that next<br />

month’s presidential election<br />

will not be about issues. It’s<br />

about who has and can inspire<br />

a passionately enthusiastic base.<br />

Unfortunately, Atiku doesn’t have<br />

the fanatical followings that Buhari,<br />

a cult figure, has. Despite the<br />

fact that youth unemployment<br />

rose from 3m in 2015 to 13m<br />

in 2018 (a 263% increase over<br />

3½ years) under Buhari, most<br />

of the poor still prefer him to<br />

Atiku. They see Atiku, a multibillionaire<br />

(allegedly), as part of the<br />

problem, and Buhari, a “sandalwearing<br />

ascetic”, as the solution.<br />

In this regard, the 2016 US<br />

presidential election holds many<br />

lessons for the Nigerian election.<br />

Donald Trump, who could<br />

wow a strong base, the poor<br />

working-class White, most of<br />

who could literally die for him,<br />

beat Hillary Clinton, who, despite<br />

having positive ideas and vision,<br />

inspired little passion or enthusiasm<br />

among her middle-class and<br />

college-educated supporters.<br />

Truth is, Atiku’s support base is<br />

threadbare, compared with the<br />

rural and urban poor who, as<br />

someone puts it, “would die for<br />

Buhari before they knew why”!<br />

Another reason is the integrity<br />

or character factor, and<br />

here, again, we can learn from<br />

America. In the 2016 election,<br />

Donald Trump ceaselessly attacked<br />

the integrity of Hillary<br />

Clinton, repeatedly calling her<br />

“Crooked Hillary”. That fired up<br />

Trump’s base, who truly believed<br />

Clinton was a “criminal”, but<br />

‘ Despite the fact<br />

that youth unemployment<br />

rose<br />

from 3m in 2015<br />

to 13m in 2018<br />

(a 263% increase<br />

over 3½ years)<br />

under Buhari,<br />

most of the poor<br />

still prefer him to<br />

Atiku. They see<br />

Atiku, a multibillionaire<br />

(allegedly),<br />

as part of<br />

the problem, and<br />

Buhari, a “sandalwearing<br />

ascetic”,<br />

as the solution.<br />

,<br />

also dampened the enthusiasm<br />

of Clinton supporters. Scholars<br />

have shown that an incumbent<br />

with a poor record can divert<br />

voters’ attention and shape the<br />

debate in a more advantageous<br />

way. To be sure, the APC cannot<br />

win on its record, on corruption,<br />

security and the economy. But it<br />

is relentlessly playing the integrity<br />

card, painting Atiku and the<br />

PDP as corrupt. That, of course,<br />

is what Buhari’s supporters<br />

believe and want to hear, and it<br />

is energising them. By contrast,<br />

Atiku lacks passionate supporters<br />

who believe enough in him to<br />

counterbalance Buhari’s fanatical<br />

supporters.<br />

The truth is that the perception<br />

issue is working, or might<br />

work, against Atiku in this election.<br />

AzuIshiekwene, a Vanguard<br />

columnist, wrote last week in the<br />

paper that “the indescribable fear<br />

of who the real Atiku in power<br />

could be – that unknowable<br />

quality – makes it a bit easier to<br />

forgive Buhari’s shortcomings”.<br />

He is right. Atiku, as I wrote<br />

recently,“carries a baggage of<br />

negative perceptions and is running<br />

under a party that still has a<br />

serious image problem, a legacy<br />

of PDP’s 16 years in power”. And,<br />

of course, the APC, despite having<br />

its own serious integrity or<br />

character issues, with allegations<br />

of corruption swirling around<br />

the party and the Buhari government,<br />

is successfully defining<br />

the debate about the issue to its<br />

advantage.<br />

Now, another reason for<br />

Atiku’s seeming lack of momentum<br />

is his lukewarm support in<br />

the North. The truth is that Atiku<br />

can’t win the election unless he<br />

can beat Buhari in the North.<br />

Yet, he doesn’t seem to have<br />

enthused the North with his<br />

radical proposals. For instance,<br />

unlike the South, the North is<br />

not enthusiastic about political<br />

www.businessday.ng<br />

restructuring, some are even<br />

hostile to it. Cleverly, if also<br />

opportunistically, Buhari has positioned<br />

himself as anti-restructuring<br />

to appeal to those parts<br />

of the North that are hostile<br />

to the issue. Of course, Buhari<br />

has also warmed himself to the<br />

hearts of most of the poor in the<br />

North the way that Atiku hasn’t.<br />

What’s more, over the past 3½<br />

years, Buhari has cynically, with<br />

elections in mind, courted the<br />

Fulani herdsmen by refusing to<br />

condemn their rampaging and<br />

killing of farmers in the Middle<br />

Belt and elsewhere in Nigeria.<br />

The recent endorsement of<br />

Buhari for re-election by Miyetti<br />

Allah, the herders’ association,<br />

was clearly a reward for his<br />

sympathy towards their cause.<br />

But, sadly, it bears a similarity<br />

tothe endorsement of Donald<br />

Trump in the 2016 presidential<br />

election by the racist Ku Klux<br />

Klan (KKK)!<br />

The US example brings us<br />

to another reason why Atiku<br />

appears to be struggling in this<br />

campaign: lack of party unity.<br />

Following the bitter presidential<br />

primaries between Hillary Clinton<br />

and Bernie Sanders, which<br />

Sanders’ supporters believed<br />

Clinton won with some skulduggery,<br />

there was schism in<br />

the Democratic Party. Sanders’<br />

supporters refused to campaign<br />

wholeheartedly for Clinton<br />

and some even probably didn’t<br />

vote for her. Some believe that<br />

had Clinton made Sanders her<br />

running mate, just as Barrack<br />

Obama did with Joe Biden, a<br />

fellow primaries contestant, she<br />

might have won the election.<br />

That example has some<br />

salience in Atiku’s case. Although<br />

he won the PDP’s presidential<br />

primaries overwhelmingly, there<br />

are many in the party, including<br />

influential state governors, who<br />

are not enthusiastically supporting<br />

him. A recent report in<br />

Premier Times in which a PDP<br />

governor said Atiku might lose if<br />

“he fails to address the concerns<br />

of party leaders over a plethora<br />

of issues”, including his controversial<br />

choice of Peter Obi<br />

as his running mate, is enough<br />

to dampen enthusiasm of PDP<br />

supporters. Atiku certainly can’t<br />

gain momentum, let alone win<br />

the election, if his party is not<br />

solidly behind him.<br />

Then, finally, there are doubts<br />

about the credibility of Atiku’s<br />

manifesto commitments. Few<br />

believe he can deliver on his<br />

radical manifesto promises. Atiku<br />

certainly needs a landslide victory<br />

to be able to push through<br />

his proposed political, economic<br />

and institutional reforms, including<br />

large-scale privatisation and<br />

political restructuring. Without<br />

a landslide, which is near-impossible,<br />

or a unity government,<br />

which is desirable but unlikely,<br />

Atiku’s promises are seen as pies<br />

in the sky.<br />

So, yes, Atiku has the vision;<br />

he also, apparently, has the competence.<br />

But he is dogged by<br />

several factors undermining his<br />

campaign, some created by his<br />

desperate opponents, the APC,<br />

others by his own party, and yet<br />

others by his own controversial<br />

personality. But can he turn all<br />

these around? Well, we have to<br />

wait and see!<br />

facebook.com/businessdayng<br />

@Businessdayng<br />

fivethings<br />

for your new week<br />

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reaching consequences for social cohesion and peace in<br />

especially countries like Nigeria which depend heavily on<br />

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The price of the global benchmark grade, Brent has fallen<br />

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officials are meeting in Pretoria to present policy<br />

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Africa’s where annual expansion hasn’t exceeded 2 percent<br />

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BloombergNEF reports in its annual Lithium-Ion Battery<br />

Price Survey, and with storage forecast to grow<br />

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$11.7bn<br />

Africa’s troubled aviation sector is on the verge of a massive<br />

make over after it was announced that Boeing Co and<br />

Nigeria based Green Africa Airways have committed for up<br />

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