BusinessDay 07 Jan 2019
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BUSINESS DAY<br />
Insight<br />
NEWS YOU CAN TRUST I MONDAY <strong>07</strong> JANUARY <strong>2019</strong><br />
<strong>2019</strong> polls: Atiku has the vision but lacks momentum. Why?<br />
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES<br />
OLU FASAN<br />
Dr. Fasan, a London-based<br />
lawyer and political economist,<br />
is a Visiting Fellow at the London<br />
School of Economics.<br />
e-mail: o.fasan@lse.ac.uk,<br />
twitter account: @olu_fasan<br />
At every election,<br />
newspapers and<br />
commentators advocate<br />
“issue-based<br />
campaign”. They call<br />
for messages containing ideas<br />
that the candidates want the<br />
voters to support. Yet, just about<br />
40 days before Nigeria’s presidential<br />
election, the ideas of the<br />
two main candidates, President<br />
Muhammadu Buhari and former<br />
Vice President Atiku Abubakar,<br />
are hardly the subject of media<br />
analysis or public discussion,<br />
despite sharp differences in their<br />
messages. For instance, while<br />
Buhari focuses his campaign on<br />
the narrow issues of corruption,<br />
security and the economy, Atiku<br />
sets out wide-ranging talking<br />
points about political, economic<br />
and institutional reforms. Yet,<br />
Buhari is getting most of the<br />
attention, while Atiku appears<br />
to be lacking momentum in the<br />
campaign. Why?<br />
Let’s start with the contrasts<br />
between their ideas. Buhari’s<br />
manifesto is essentially<br />
promising more of the same.<br />
If re-elected, President Buhari<br />
would do nothing differently,<br />
but instead intensify his current<br />
policies, including throwing more<br />
government money at tackling<br />
poverty and unemployment<br />
through the social intervention<br />
programmes. To be honest,<br />
Buhari’smanifesto simply lacks<br />
intellectual depth or “the vision<br />
thing”. But not so Atiku’s plan.<br />
His economic visionis truly<br />
radical, underpinned by extensive<br />
programme of deregulation and<br />
liberalisation. Equally radical are<br />
his proposed political reforms<br />
and anti-corruption strategy.<br />
Take political reforms. Along<br />
standing advocate of political<br />
restructuring, Atiku recalls in his<br />
manifesto that: “At independence,<br />
the various regions were<br />
growing at their own pace with<br />
the political and economic strategies<br />
that suited their individual<br />
peculiarities”. But now, he says,<br />
“the centre has a pervasive<br />
and over-bearing presence and<br />
influence on the other tiers of<br />
government”, adding that “Nigerian<br />
states have been reduced<br />
to parastatals of the federal<br />
government”. So, what would<br />
he do if elected? Well, he would,<br />
among other things, “decongest<br />
the exclusive and concurrent list<br />
in the Constitution”, to devolve<br />
powers, responsibilities and<br />
resources to Nigeria’s sub-units.<br />
What about Atiku’s anticorruption<br />
strategy? Well, this<br />
is far-reaching too. He outlines<br />
an elaborate set of “immediate<br />
actions”that he would take,<br />
if elected. For instance, Atiku<br />
promises that, within his administration’s<br />
“first 100 days in<br />
office”, he would: expeditiously<br />
pass critical legislation “relating<br />
to whistle-blowing, cybercrime,<br />
witness protection, electronic<br />
evidence, and asset forfeiture”;<br />
set up Major Corruption Case<br />
Monitoring and Review Committee<br />
that would include “NGOs,<br />
civil society organisations and<br />
media as observers”; and review<br />
and expedite action on the passage<br />
of all existing and pending<br />
new laws or amendments to all<br />
anti-corruption laws currently in<br />
the National Assembly. Theseare<br />
in addition to medium-term<br />
commitments on detection of<br />
corruption, sanctioning corrupt<br />
practices, institutional strengthening<br />
and reward system.<br />
Which brings me back to my<br />
questions. If everyone wants an<br />
issue-based campaign, why is the<br />
ongoing presidential campaign<br />
not about issues? Why are Atiku’s<br />
elaborate programmes of economic,<br />
political and governance<br />
reforms not being discussed and<br />
scrutinised? Why are comparisons<br />
not being made between<br />
Atiku’s and Buhari’s campaign<br />
promises? And why does Atiku<br />
seem to be struggling in this<br />
campaign, lacking momentum,<br />
despite the intellectual depth and<br />
radical nature of his plans?<br />
Last week, one of Buhari’s<br />
strong supporters mockingly<br />
asked Atiku to throw in the<br />
towel now as his campaign was<br />
going nowhere. Another tweeted<br />
that “Right now @atiku and his<br />
running mate @PeterObi are<br />
more of a liability 43 days to<br />
Presidential election in Nigeria”.<br />
But how could a challenger<br />
who promises to transform<br />
Nigeria politically, economically<br />
and institutionally be more of a<br />
liability than an incumbent who is<br />
focusing his campaign on narrow<br />
issues of corruption, security and<br />
the economy, in spite of his poor<br />
recordon these issues?<br />
Well, there are several reasons<br />
why Atiku appears to be<br />
struggling. The first is that next<br />
month’s presidential election<br />
will not be about issues. It’s<br />
about who has and can inspire<br />
a passionately enthusiastic base.<br />
Unfortunately, Atiku doesn’t have<br />
the fanatical followings that Buhari,<br />
a cult figure, has. Despite the<br />
fact that youth unemployment<br />
rose from 3m in 2015 to 13m<br />
in 2018 (a 263% increase over<br />
3½ years) under Buhari, most<br />
of the poor still prefer him to<br />
Atiku. They see Atiku, a multibillionaire<br />
(allegedly), as part of the<br />
problem, and Buhari, a “sandalwearing<br />
ascetic”, as the solution.<br />
In this regard, the 2016 US<br />
presidential election holds many<br />
lessons for the Nigerian election.<br />
Donald Trump, who could<br />
wow a strong base, the poor<br />
working-class White, most of<br />
who could literally die for him,<br />
beat Hillary Clinton, who, despite<br />
having positive ideas and vision,<br />
inspired little passion or enthusiasm<br />
among her middle-class and<br />
college-educated supporters.<br />
Truth is, Atiku’s support base is<br />
threadbare, compared with the<br />
rural and urban poor who, as<br />
someone puts it, “would die for<br />
Buhari before they knew why”!<br />
Another reason is the integrity<br />
or character factor, and<br />
here, again, we can learn from<br />
America. In the 2016 election,<br />
Donald Trump ceaselessly attacked<br />
the integrity of Hillary<br />
Clinton, repeatedly calling her<br />
“Crooked Hillary”. That fired up<br />
Trump’s base, who truly believed<br />
Clinton was a “criminal”, but<br />
‘ Despite the fact<br />
that youth unemployment<br />
rose<br />
from 3m in 2015<br />
to 13m in 2018<br />
(a 263% increase<br />
over 3½ years)<br />
under Buhari,<br />
most of the poor<br />
still prefer him to<br />
Atiku. They see<br />
Atiku, a multibillionaire<br />
(allegedly),<br />
as part of<br />
the problem, and<br />
Buhari, a “sandalwearing<br />
ascetic”,<br />
as the solution.<br />
,<br />
also dampened the enthusiasm<br />
of Clinton supporters. Scholars<br />
have shown that an incumbent<br />
with a poor record can divert<br />
voters’ attention and shape the<br />
debate in a more advantageous<br />
way. To be sure, the APC cannot<br />
win on its record, on corruption,<br />
security and the economy. But it<br />
is relentlessly playing the integrity<br />
card, painting Atiku and the<br />
PDP as corrupt. That, of course,<br />
is what Buhari’s supporters<br />
believe and want to hear, and it<br />
is energising them. By contrast,<br />
Atiku lacks passionate supporters<br />
who believe enough in him to<br />
counterbalance Buhari’s fanatical<br />
supporters.<br />
The truth is that the perception<br />
issue is working, or might<br />
work, against Atiku in this election.<br />
AzuIshiekwene, a Vanguard<br />
columnist, wrote last week in the<br />
paper that “the indescribable fear<br />
of who the real Atiku in power<br />
could be – that unknowable<br />
quality – makes it a bit easier to<br />
forgive Buhari’s shortcomings”.<br />
He is right. Atiku, as I wrote<br />
recently,“carries a baggage of<br />
negative perceptions and is running<br />
under a party that still has a<br />
serious image problem, a legacy<br />
of PDP’s 16 years in power”. And,<br />
of course, the APC, despite having<br />
its own serious integrity or<br />
character issues, with allegations<br />
of corruption swirling around<br />
the party and the Buhari government,<br />
is successfully defining<br />
the debate about the issue to its<br />
advantage.<br />
Now, another reason for<br />
Atiku’s seeming lack of momentum<br />
is his lukewarm support in<br />
the North. The truth is that Atiku<br />
can’t win the election unless he<br />
can beat Buhari in the North.<br />
Yet, he doesn’t seem to have<br />
enthused the North with his<br />
radical proposals. For instance,<br />
unlike the South, the North is<br />
not enthusiastic about political<br />
www.businessday.ng<br />
restructuring, some are even<br />
hostile to it. Cleverly, if also<br />
opportunistically, Buhari has positioned<br />
himself as anti-restructuring<br />
to appeal to those parts<br />
of the North that are hostile<br />
to the issue. Of course, Buhari<br />
has also warmed himself to the<br />
hearts of most of the poor in the<br />
North the way that Atiku hasn’t.<br />
What’s more, over the past 3½<br />
years, Buhari has cynically, with<br />
elections in mind, courted the<br />
Fulani herdsmen by refusing to<br />
condemn their rampaging and<br />
killing of farmers in the Middle<br />
Belt and elsewhere in Nigeria.<br />
The recent endorsement of<br />
Buhari for re-election by Miyetti<br />
Allah, the herders’ association,<br />
was clearly a reward for his<br />
sympathy towards their cause.<br />
But, sadly, it bears a similarity<br />
tothe endorsement of Donald<br />
Trump in the 2016 presidential<br />
election by the racist Ku Klux<br />
Klan (KKK)!<br />
The US example brings us<br />
to another reason why Atiku<br />
appears to be struggling in this<br />
campaign: lack of party unity.<br />
Following the bitter presidential<br />
primaries between Hillary Clinton<br />
and Bernie Sanders, which<br />
Sanders’ supporters believed<br />
Clinton won with some skulduggery,<br />
there was schism in<br />
the Democratic Party. Sanders’<br />
supporters refused to campaign<br />
wholeheartedly for Clinton<br />
and some even probably didn’t<br />
vote for her. Some believe that<br />
had Clinton made Sanders her<br />
running mate, just as Barrack<br />
Obama did with Joe Biden, a<br />
fellow primaries contestant, she<br />
might have won the election.<br />
That example has some<br />
salience in Atiku’s case. Although<br />
he won the PDP’s presidential<br />
primaries overwhelmingly, there<br />
are many in the party, including<br />
influential state governors, who<br />
are not enthusiastically supporting<br />
him. A recent report in<br />
Premier Times in which a PDP<br />
governor said Atiku might lose if<br />
“he fails to address the concerns<br />
of party leaders over a plethora<br />
of issues”, including his controversial<br />
choice of Peter Obi<br />
as his running mate, is enough<br />
to dampen enthusiasm of PDP<br />
supporters. Atiku certainly can’t<br />
gain momentum, let alone win<br />
the election, if his party is not<br />
solidly behind him.<br />
Then, finally, there are doubts<br />
about the credibility of Atiku’s<br />
manifesto commitments. Few<br />
believe he can deliver on his<br />
radical manifesto promises. Atiku<br />
certainly needs a landslide victory<br />
to be able to push through<br />
his proposed political, economic<br />
and institutional reforms, including<br />
large-scale privatisation and<br />
political restructuring. Without<br />
a landslide, which is near-impossible,<br />
or a unity government,<br />
which is desirable but unlikely,<br />
Atiku’s promises are seen as pies<br />
in the sky.<br />
So, yes, Atiku has the vision;<br />
he also, apparently, has the competence.<br />
But he is dogged by<br />
several factors undermining his<br />
campaign, some created by his<br />
desperate opponents, the APC,<br />
others by his own party, and yet<br />
others by his own controversial<br />
personality. But can he turn all<br />
these around? Well, we have to<br />
wait and see!<br />
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fivethings<br />
for your new week<br />
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