<strong>Searching</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> Truth ⎯ HISTORY widespread. I would argue that after demonizing and dehumanizing <strong>the</strong> “enemies,” routinizing violence and unleashing <strong>the</strong> interrogators’ hatred, torture was doled out in substantial portions at S-21 with no thought <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> pain it caused or, as far as <strong>the</strong> “<strong>truth</strong>” was concerned, its value compared to that <strong>of</strong> “doing politics.” The Interrogators’ Notebook The relation <strong>of</strong> torture to “doing politics” that <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials at S-21 desired is spelled out in a handwritten, unsigned notebook prepared at <strong>the</strong> prison between July and September 1976, with doodles dating from 1978 on <strong>the</strong> closing pages. The notebook may have been initiated by an S-21 cadre, perhaps one <strong>of</strong> those purged in 1976 or 1977, and lost or abandoned <strong>for</strong> a couple <strong>of</strong> years. In <strong>the</strong> pages that relate to doing torture and doing politics, <strong>the</strong> notes stress that: “We must take <strong>the</strong> view that <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> keeping [prisoners] alive or asking <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir papers or killing <strong>the</strong>m is decided on <strong>for</strong> us by <strong>the</strong> Party. That is, we do whatever we can, so long as we get answers. The use <strong>of</strong> torture is a supplementary measure. Our past experience with our comrades <strong>the</strong> interrogators has been that <strong>the</strong>y fell <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> most part on <strong>the</strong> side <strong>of</strong> torture. They emphasized torture instead <strong>of</strong> propaganda. This is <strong>the</strong> wrong way <strong>of</strong> doing things; we must show <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> proper way to do <strong>the</strong>m.” The notes go on to suggest that while torture is inevitable, its use should be delayed in many cases until after a valid confession has been obtained: “The enemies can’t escape from torture; <strong>the</strong> only difference is whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y receive a little or a lot. While we consider torture to be a necessary measure, we must do politics [with <strong>the</strong>m] so <strong>the</strong>y will confess to us, [but] it’s only when we have <strong>for</strong>ced <strong>the</strong>m via politics to confess that torture can be used. Only when we put maximum political pressure on <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>for</strong>cing <strong>the</strong>m by using politics to confess, will torture become effective. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, doing politics makes <strong>the</strong> prisoners answer clearly, whe<strong>the</strong>r or nor <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> torture follows.” The passage suggests that torture should be used and indeed became “effective” after confessions were obtained, seemingly acknowledging that <strong>Documentation</strong> <strong>Center</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Cambodia</strong> (DC-Cam) Number <strong>28</strong>, April 2002 workers were going to torture prisoners anyway and that perhaps some tortures carried out as medical experiments might best he per<strong>for</strong>med after documentation was complete. The passage also implies that torturing prisoners might be a bonus <strong>for</strong> S-21 workers after a confession had been obtained. But what is meant by “effective” remains unclear. The notebook goes on to provide hints about tactics that interrogators might employ to propagandize, beguile, and disarm <strong>the</strong> prisoners without torturing <strong>the</strong>m, and adds: “One objective <strong>of</strong> doing torture is to seek answers from <strong>the</strong>m, and not to make us happy. It’s not done out <strong>of</strong> individual anger, out <strong>of</strong> heat. Beating is done to make <strong>the</strong>m fearful, but certainly not to kill <strong>the</strong>m. Whenever we torture <strong>the</strong>m we must examine <strong>the</strong>ir health be<strong>for</strong>ehand, and examine <strong>the</strong> [condition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>] whip as well. Don’t be greedy and try to hurry up and kill <strong>the</strong>m.” The passage suggests that torturing prisoners made some interrogators “happy,” while o<strong>the</strong>rs freely acted out <strong>of</strong> “heat” or were in haste to kill <strong>the</strong> Party’s “enemies.” Moreover, provided that <strong>the</strong> whips were in acceptable condition, beating relatively healthy prisoners almost, but not quite, to <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> death was considered fair. None <strong>of</strong> this violence is surprising, given <strong>the</strong> wholesale dehumanization <strong>of</strong> prisoners and <strong>the</strong> culture <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prison, but it is chilling to see it so dispassionately written down. Almost as if its author were aware <strong>of</strong> overstepping a limit, <strong>the</strong> document <strong>the</strong>n backs <strong>of</strong>f and adds sanctimoniously: “You must be aware that doing politics is very important and necessary, whereas doing torture is subsidiary to politics. Politics always takes <strong>the</strong> lead. Even when doing torture, you must also constantly engage in propaganda.” (Continued in <strong>the</strong> May 2003 issue) ___________________ David Chandler is Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Emeritus <strong>of</strong> History at Monash University, Melbourne, Australia. He is <strong>the</strong> author <strong>of</strong> A History <strong>of</strong> <strong>Cambodia</strong> (1996), Facing <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cambodia</strong>n Past: Selected Essays, 1971-1994 (1996), and Bro<strong>the</strong>r Number One: A Political Biography <strong>of</strong> Pol Pot (1992). 23 100 100 100 100 100 100 50 50 50 50 Black Yellow Magenta Cyan
100 100 100 100 100 100 50 50 50 50 Black Yellow Magenta Cyan Number <strong>28</strong>, April 2002 A victim <strong>of</strong> torture at S-21. Artist: Van Nath, a <strong>for</strong>mer S-21 prisoner. 24 <strong>Searching</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> Truth ⎯ HISTORY <strong>Documentation</strong> <strong>Center</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Cambodia</strong> (DC-Cam)