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Activation of new aaa units - Air Defense Artillery

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1<br />

I<br />

BOOK REVIEWS<br />

The Road 10 War J94J<br />

THE MEMOIRS OF CORDELL HULL.<br />

Two Volumes. The Macmillan Company.<br />

1804 Pages; Index.<br />

Cordell Hull's massive memoirs cover<br />

the period from his birth in a rented log<br />

cabin in Overton County, Tennessee, in<br />

1871 to his resignation from the cabinet<br />

on November 30, 1944. After a distinguished<br />

career as a Democratic Party<br />

leader, judge, congressman, and senator,<br />

Hull was chosen as Secretary <strong>of</strong> State in<br />

the first cabinet <strong>of</strong> Franklin D. Roosevelt.<br />

He held that <strong>of</strong>fice for nearly twelve years,<br />

almost twice as long as any other man in<br />

American history.<br />

Hull carne from a.stalwart and forthright<br />

family. During the Civil War his<br />

father was shot through the head and left<br />

for dead by a "Yankee guerrilla" named<br />

Stepp. After a recovery which seems miraculous,<br />

his father tracked down Stepp<br />

after the war and shot him down without<br />

a Word. Cordell Hull was something <strong>of</strong> a<br />

fighter himself; he led an infantry company<br />

in the 4th Tennessee Volunteers during<br />

the Spanish American \-Var.<br />

Although the Constitution provides that<br />

the foreign policy <strong>of</strong> the United States is<br />

formulated by the President and the Senate,<br />

Hull made his views on the function<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Secretary. <strong>of</strong> State clear to Mr.<br />

~OOsevelt before accepting <strong>of</strong>fice. He said:<br />

If I accept the Secretaryship <strong>of</strong> State, I<br />

do not have in mind merely carrying on<br />

COrrespondence with foreign governments.<br />

What I have in mind was that it would be<br />

~y duty to aid the President in every pos-<br />

SIble way in the conduct <strong>of</strong> foreign policy.<br />

... I would foresee and appraise to the<br />

~nest possible extent questions and prob-<br />

"'II1S arising ... and would formulate my<br />

OWn ideas <strong>of</strong> policy .... I would then<br />

recommend such policy to the President<br />

for his approval or disapproval and suggest<br />

necessarv action. The President himlf<br />

would, .<strong>of</strong> course, suggest a policy<br />

on a given situation :l~ any time ... and<br />

I would develop all facts in relation to it<br />

and then, if he approved, carry it out<br />

through the State Department." These suggestions<br />

were accepted by the President,<br />

and in twelve years there was no serious<br />

misunderstanding between the two men.<br />

Like Stimson, Hull thought that Roosevelt<br />

was a great commander in chief and<br />

war President. Like Stimson, he also had<br />

difficulty in adjusting himself to the President's<br />

domestic and economic policies. He<br />

probably agreed with Stimson that Roosevelt<br />

was not a good administrator. His experience<br />

with Raymond Moley at the<br />

London Economic Conference in 1933<br />

made this clear. Hull did not favor the<br />

President's practice <strong>of</strong> sending a number<br />

<strong>of</strong> distinguished Americans abroad as his<br />

personal representatives because it undermined<br />

the prestige <strong>of</strong> our ambassadors. Not<br />

only that, Hull thought it was a waste <strong>of</strong><br />

time and energy. Once in a while the<br />

President listened to outsiders like Morgenthau<br />

on foreign policy matters, but Hull<br />

observed that these diversions wen~ rare<br />

and generally carne to nothing. Hull's place<br />

in history will be the more secure because<br />

Roosevelt did not seek out or act upon his<br />

advice on foreign policy matters con-<br />

nected with the Teheran and Yalta Conferences.<br />

The President considered these<br />

conferences as being primarily "military"<br />

in character.<br />

There was a tide ~f aggression running<br />

in the world when Hull took <strong>of</strong>fice in<br />

1933. The Nazis won an election that<br />

consolidated their hold on Germany and<br />

the Japanese occupied the capital <strong>of</strong> Jehol<br />

on the day he was sworn in. Hull admits<br />

that when he took <strong>of</strong>fice he had a<br />

strong conviction that Germany and Italy<br />

would plunge Europe into war and that<br />

"Japan had no intentions whatever <strong>of</strong><br />

abiding by treaties." Since the European<br />

dictators were not ready, Hull was first<br />

concerned with the Japanese conquest <strong>of</strong><br />

Northern China. He saw through the ab-<br />

surd plea that the United States should<br />

appease Japan and thus strengthen the<br />

liberals in order to prevent the military<br />

group from gaining complete control <strong>of</strong><br />

the Japanese government. This plea was<br />

raised at each <strong>new</strong> Japanese aggression<br />

and it has recently been revived by a<br />

school <strong>of</strong> writers who are trying to convince<br />

the American people that the war<br />

was unnecessary and brought about solely<br />

by our own action!<br />

Hull never favored neutrality as between<br />

right and wrong. He believed that a breach<br />

<strong>of</strong> the peace by an aggressor anywhere in<br />

the world affected American security.<br />

We should therefore impede the aggressors<br />

to safeguard our own peace. Under existing<br />

neutrality laws and the arms embargo,<br />

American neutrality was a boon to the aggressors.<br />

He tried hard in 1939 to convince<br />

certain isolationists that war was corning in<br />

Europe, but one <strong>of</strong> them, the venerable<br />

Senator Borah, declared that he had information<br />

superior to that <strong>of</strong> the State Department.<br />

\Vhen Hull invited Borah to<br />

visit the State Department and read the<br />

documents bearing on the European situation,<br />

the Senator declined. To Hull's<br />

way <strong>of</strong> thinking the world was not faced<br />

with a threat <strong>of</strong> regional war or an isolated<br />

conflict but "with an organized, ruthless,<br />

and implacable movement <strong>of</strong> steadily coxpanding<br />

conquest." \Ve could have peace<br />

and isolation for a time but only at the<br />

cost <strong>of</strong> total surrender.<br />

\Ve find some interesting footnotes to<br />

history in these volumes. Apparently Hull<br />

was the real author <strong>of</strong> the 50,000-planesa-year<br />

program announced by Presiden:<br />

Roosevelt on May 16, 1940, for in May<br />

1940 he urged the President to announce<br />

such a program. Like Hull's associates with<br />

whom he had previously discussed this<br />

program, Roosevelt was "speechless" at the<br />

size <strong>of</strong> the effort but immediately made the<br />

project his own. Hull said that throughout<br />

the period <strong>of</strong> crisis and war he was more<br />

confident about our productive capacity

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