Issue 255
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NEWS LITERATURE POLITICS FASHION ART & CULTURE KIDS RELIGION FILMS<br />
12/04/2018<br />
21<br />
Impact of Globalisation on Dalits :<br />
Dr. Ambedker’s Perspective<br />
Globalisation has opened up new<br />
avenues for the emerging economies of<br />
the world. Studies indicate that the<br />
larger benefit of globalisation has gone<br />
to the capitalist’s class. The people<br />
who are at the lower rung of the society<br />
are deprived of such benefit. Poor<br />
people living in remote villages of<br />
India are groaning under steep poverty<br />
from generations to generations. In a<br />
country like India the widening gap<br />
between rich and poor has further<br />
added woes to the Dalits who are in<br />
majority landless labourers.<br />
Globalisation has further sharpened the<br />
already existing contradictions<br />
between political equality on one hand,<br />
social and economic inequality on the<br />
other. It has deprived Dalits of whatever<br />
little they have in the name of socalled<br />
fast development under the<br />
model of free market-economy. There<br />
exists no space for them at all in the<br />
glamorous showrooms of no-liberal<br />
market-economy. Dr. Ambedkar<br />
thought was more pragmatic and viable<br />
way of putting an end to the oppressive<br />
social structures in India. It draws<br />
heavily on the implications of the neoliberal<br />
economic reforms, the birth of<br />
new contradictions that it gave rise to<br />
the disadvantage of the Dalits. Even<br />
after sixty eight years of India’s independence<br />
and widespread antiuntouchability<br />
laws, the socalled outcasts<br />
continue to be subjected to repulsion<br />
and all sorts of humiliations. It<br />
rarely focuses on the intricate but often<br />
neglected relationship between Caste<br />
and economic as well as contradictions<br />
between the emerging structures of<br />
neo-liberal market-economy and the<br />
incipient institutions of social democracy<br />
(Thorat and Newman 2010:7).<br />
In other words, economic liberalization,<br />
caste, social democracy and intersections<br />
among them constitute the<br />
core challenges that India faced today.<br />
Since after the adoption of the New<br />
Economic Policy, India has made a significant<br />
progress in different areas of<br />
technology, infrastructure, machinery,<br />
science, space and even in nuclear<br />
research. Much of this progress has<br />
meant little for the Dalits, most continue<br />
to live without very basic amenities<br />
of electricity sanitation and safe drinking<br />
water. According to Madras<br />
Institute for Development Studies, only<br />
31 per cent of Dalit households are<br />
equipped with electricity, as compared<br />
to 61 per cent non-Dalit households.<br />
Only 10 per cent Dalit households<br />
have sanitation facilities as compared<br />
to 27 per cent of non-Dalit household<br />
ones (Mandel, 2014:14). Dr Ambedkar<br />
was an eminent scholar and a prolific<br />
writer. His social and economic philosophy<br />
was deeply influenced by the<br />
thoughts of Tathaghat Gautam Buddha.<br />
Dr Ambedkar strongly advocated the<br />
ideals of “Equality, Fraternity, and<br />
Freedom”. Dr Ambedkar said: “My<br />
social philosophy may be said to be<br />
enshrined in three words: liberty,<br />
equality and fraternity. My philosophy<br />
has roots in religion and not in political<br />
science. I have derived them from the<br />
teachings of my master, the Buddha”.<br />
His deep knowledge about the Hindu<br />
Society gave him a vision to understand<br />
Indian Society very well and<br />
understand the challenges prevailed in<br />
India. He was depressed with the<br />
worst situation of untouchable communities<br />
and was particularly worried<br />
about the worst condition of poor<br />
women. Dr Ambedkar`s socioeconomic<br />
philosophy stands relevant today as<br />
the gap between the haves and havenots<br />
is constantly increasing due to<br />
unequal distribution of sources of<br />
wealth and opportunities. This paper<br />
shall make an attempt to explore the<br />
possibilities of applying of Dr<br />
Ambedkar`s socioeconomic philosophy<br />
to give direction to the stability<br />
and sustainability of democracy in<br />
India. At the completion of the Draft<br />
Constitution (25 November 1949), Dr.<br />
Ambedkar sounded a grave warning in<br />
his famous address in the Constituent<br />
assembly: On the 26th January 1950,<br />
we are going to enter into a life of contradictions.<br />
In politics, we will have<br />
equality and in social and economic<br />
life we will have inequality.<br />
In politics, we will be recognizing<br />
the principle of one-man, one-vote and<br />
one-vote one-value. In our social and<br />
economic life, we shall because of our<br />
social and economic structure, continue<br />
to deny the principle of one-man<br />
one-value. How long shall we continue<br />
to live this life of contradictions? How<br />
long shall we continue to deny equality<br />
in our social and economic life? If we<br />
continue to deny it for long, we will do<br />
so only by putting our political democracy<br />
in peril. We must remove this contradiction<br />
at the earliest possible or else<br />
those who suffer from inequality will<br />
blow up the structure of political<br />
democracy, which this Assembly has<br />
so laboriously built up (Three<br />
Historical Addresses 1999:53-54).<br />
It seems that the Indian state has<br />
accorded some heed to the prophetic<br />
warning of Dr. Ambedkar. Independent<br />
India opted<br />
for a mixed<br />
Dr Saroj Rani<br />
(M.A, Ph. D), Assistant Professor,<br />
University of Delhi, New Delhi.<br />
economy<br />
model of<br />
development<br />
and<br />
introduced the system of reservation<br />
for the downtrodden in government<br />
jobs, education institutions and legislature.<br />
Legal provisions for reducing the<br />
enormous gap between the rich/upper<br />
and the poor/lower castes have been<br />
incorporated in the law book of the<br />
land. The preamble of the constitution<br />
clearly spells out the objectives of<br />
securing “to all its citizens JUSTICE,<br />
social, economic and political” as well<br />
as “EQUALITY of status and of opportunity”.<br />
Dr B. R. Ambedkar was a brilliant<br />
social and political thinker in the contemporary<br />
world who understands the<br />
Indian society deeply and raised voice<br />
at national as well as international platforms<br />
on the pernicious caste system.<br />
He highlighted the problem of most<br />
hierarchical Indian society in front of<br />
the world. Through his critical writings,<br />
Dr Ambedkar argued, the caste<br />
system has created an order of ascending<br />
scale of reverence and descending<br />
scale of contempt. The caste hierarchy<br />
very much ingrained in the economic<br />
and political system and cultural<br />
arrangement of India. Dr Ambedkar<br />
understood the economic bondage of<br />
the Dalits who lived in the dingy village<br />
community. In realistic evaluation<br />
of the village, Ambedkar graphically<br />
described them, as `a sink of localism a<br />
den of ignorance, narrow-mindedness<br />
and communalism . Dr Ambedkar was<br />
aware of the economic dimension of<br />
their servitude. Therefore, he always<br />
insisted that the Dalits should stop their<br />
traditional work. Instead, they should<br />
acquire new skills and start new professions.<br />
Dr Ambedkar always stressed<br />
upon education, which would enable<br />
the Dalits to get employment. Dr<br />
Ambedkar was a great visionary, a progressive<br />
statesman and an erudite<br />
scholar. Dr Ambedkar favoured industrialisation<br />
since he knew that the success<br />
of<br />
India is<br />
certainly<br />
based on<br />
the economic<br />
revolution.<br />
He<br />
was very much aware of the fact that in<br />
the process of industrialisation,<br />
demand for new skills and talent will<br />
occupy the prominent place in the coming<br />
days.<br />
Dr Ambedkar was of the view that<br />
this would ensure their economic<br />
emancipation to a considerable extent.<br />
The gaps between the haves and havenots<br />
has been widening deep due to<br />
unparalleled, unequal distribution of<br />
wealth and opportunities. Today Dr<br />
Ambedkar`s socio-economic philosophy<br />
stands relevant in Indian context<br />
since he offered several solutions to<br />
deal with the problems for the successful<br />
parliamentary democracy. In no<br />
case and circumstances, it cannot be<br />
forgotten that the Dalits in India are the<br />
most vulnerable community, who are<br />
the first one to be communally targeted.<br />
This is ironical that one who produces<br />
food for us, is deprived of basic<br />
needs.<br />
Dr Ambedkar’s view are more relevant<br />
today as he also wanted that<br />
agrarian society should be taken into<br />
consideration as priority because<br />
most of the people are employed in<br />
this sector. But, negligence of this<br />
sector after the reforms will become a<br />
major challenge for Indian society.<br />
Exclusion of the Dalits after<br />
Economic Reforms<br />
The term exclusion has become a<br />
part of the lexicon of economists<br />
recently, although it has been in the<br />
jargon of sociology and the vocabulary<br />
of politics in Europe for long<br />
time. The phrase social exclusion is<br />
used to describe a situation, as also to<br />
focus on a process, which excludes<br />
individuals or groups from livelihood<br />
and rights, thus depriving them of<br />
sources of well-being. Basic entitlements<br />
such health, education are<br />
denied to the Dalits. The bulk of the<br />
Dalits population in India falls in the<br />
category of below poverty line.<br />
Majority of the Dalits population continue<br />
to live in extreme poverty without<br />
land or opportunities for better<br />
employment or education. Most of the<br />
Dalit men and women work as agricultural<br />
labourer. The relationship<br />
between caste and poverty seems to be<br />
of symbiotic in nature. They reinforce<br />
each other and often club together in<br />
posing a serious challenge to the nascent<br />
institutions of social democracy in<br />
India.<br />
The inextricably intertwined phenomena<br />
of caste and poverty is so well<br />
entrenched that it has failed to recede<br />
back even after the adoption of economic<br />
reform measures in India in<br />
1991. On the contrary, the latter is further<br />
strengthening the antidemocracy<br />
nexus between caste and poverty in the<br />
country. With the introduction of privatization,<br />
liberalization, globalization<br />
and disinvestments, many government<br />
industries and public sector undertakings<br />
have already been sold off. As a<br />
result, thousands of jobs in the public<br />
sector have been lost. The technology<br />
has also reduced the job market for<br />
non-technicals. Privatization has an<br />
adverse effect on the Dalits. There is no<br />
clause for reservation being added into<br />
the disinvestment deals struck between<br />
the government and the private sector.<br />
It is a clear subversion of castebased<br />
reservation and keeps the Dalits<br />
away from jobs. Whenever the issue of<br />
reservation for SCs & STs comes, the<br />
privileged Indians start talking about<br />
merit. Reservation is bitterly opposed<br />
by non-Dalits and put hurdles in the<br />
implementation of this policy by either<br />
going to court or making service rules<br />
against reservation. It is a well-known<br />
fact that without education other constitutional<br />
safeguards, reservation in<br />
services would be meaningless. It<br />
would also be hard for Dalits to send<br />
their wards to the temple of learning.<br />
But, it is to be kept in mind that the<br />
enrolment alone does not give any substantial<br />
amount of educational achievement<br />
when the rate of drop out is also<br />
substantially high among the Dalits.<br />
Despite several kinds of State assistance,<br />
the dropout rate is also alarming<br />
at the primary, middle and secondary<br />
stages of education in respect of the<br />
Dalits. The sphere of primary and elementary<br />
education could not remain<br />
unaffected from globalization and even<br />
commercialization of education is continuously<br />
increasing (Mandel, 2014 :<br />
4). Now, an atmosphere against<br />
Parliamentary form of government and<br />
the constitution of India is created in<br />
such a way that the majority of Indians<br />
starts believing that all the ills in India<br />
are because of these institutions. Public<br />
opinion is being generated to change<br />
the constitution and replace the parliamentary<br />
system in the presidential<br />
form of government. If the right wing<br />
outfits are successful in achieving their<br />
objective, the reservation will definitely<br />
go and the Dalits would be pushed<br />
back again.<br />
With privatization, it is fact that for<br />
the posts of Chairman, Managing<br />
Director of Indian Public Sector<br />
Undertakings (PSUs) not even a 2%<br />
SC & ST are selected from the Dalits.<br />
It is also the fact that almost 90% of<br />
CMDs of PSUs become an industrialist<br />
and family business houses once they<br />
retire from PSUs. Private companies<br />
are either owned or managed by the<br />
family members or a particular caste<br />
group, the Dalits have no chance to get<br />
opportunity in those positions. The<br />
benefits of globalisation are yet to<br />
reach these ‘patient and long suffering<br />
people’ who never shirk from hard<br />
work and toiling labour. But, the free<br />
market economy driven forces advocate<br />
the concerns of the rich and<br />
resourceful only.<br />
This widens the gap between the<br />
rich and the poor. The widening gap,<br />
coupled with the rolling back of the<br />
state lead to further resentment and<br />
alienation among the downtrodden that<br />
in turn puts the pressure on the practice<br />
of democracy in the country (Singh<br />
2006). Baba Sahib Dr. B.R. Ambedkar<br />
was very well aware, much in advance,<br />
about the serious implications of the<br />
lopsided development for the growth<br />
of social democracy in a caste-ridden<br />
country like India. He therefore underlined<br />
the inclusion of the downtrodden<br />
into the governmental set-up of the<br />
country. For that, he emphasized that<br />
the safe route goes via the total annihilation<br />
of caste and in that, the role of<br />
the state is of utmost importance. If<br />
globalization implies pushing the state<br />
out, then the future of the project of<br />
social democracy seems to be very<br />
bleak. It is in this context that the<br />
responsibility and the task of safeguarding<br />
the developmental character<br />
of the Indian state becomes very crucial<br />
more so for the empowerment of<br />
the Dalits in particular, and strengthening<br />
the forces of social democracy in<br />
India in general.<br />
Globalisation, thus, poses a serious<br />
challenge to the formation of social<br />
democracy in India. It is often paraded<br />
as a custodian of enormous ‘opportunities’.<br />
See on Page 20