21.04.2018 Views

Issue 255

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

www.samajweekly.com<br />

NEWS LITERATURE POLITICS FASHION ART & CULTURE KIDS RELIGION FILMS<br />

12/04/2018<br />

21<br />

Impact of Globalisation on Dalits :<br />

Dr. Ambedker’s Perspective<br />

Globalisation has opened up new<br />

avenues for the emerging economies of<br />

the world. Studies indicate that the<br />

larger benefit of globalisation has gone<br />

to the capitalist’s class. The people<br />

who are at the lower rung of the society<br />

are deprived of such benefit. Poor<br />

people living in remote villages of<br />

India are groaning under steep poverty<br />

from generations to generations. In a<br />

country like India the widening gap<br />

between rich and poor has further<br />

added woes to the Dalits who are in<br />

majority landless labourers.<br />

Globalisation has further sharpened the<br />

already existing contradictions<br />

between political equality on one hand,<br />

social and economic inequality on the<br />

other. It has deprived Dalits of whatever<br />

little they have in the name of socalled<br />

fast development under the<br />

model of free market-economy. There<br />

exists no space for them at all in the<br />

glamorous showrooms of no-liberal<br />

market-economy. Dr. Ambedkar<br />

thought was more pragmatic and viable<br />

way of putting an end to the oppressive<br />

social structures in India. It draws<br />

heavily on the implications of the neoliberal<br />

economic reforms, the birth of<br />

new contradictions that it gave rise to<br />

the disadvantage of the Dalits. Even<br />

after sixty eight years of India’s independence<br />

and widespread antiuntouchability<br />

laws, the socalled outcasts<br />

continue to be subjected to repulsion<br />

and all sorts of humiliations. It<br />

rarely focuses on the intricate but often<br />

neglected relationship between Caste<br />

and economic as well as contradictions<br />

between the emerging structures of<br />

neo-liberal market-economy and the<br />

incipient institutions of social democracy<br />

(Thorat and Newman 2010:7).<br />

In other words, economic liberalization,<br />

caste, social democracy and intersections<br />

among them constitute the<br />

core challenges that India faced today.<br />

Since after the adoption of the New<br />

Economic Policy, India has made a significant<br />

progress in different areas of<br />

technology, infrastructure, machinery,<br />

science, space and even in nuclear<br />

research. Much of this progress has<br />

meant little for the Dalits, most continue<br />

to live without very basic amenities<br />

of electricity sanitation and safe drinking<br />

water. According to Madras<br />

Institute for Development Studies, only<br />

31 per cent of Dalit households are<br />

equipped with electricity, as compared<br />

to 61 per cent non-Dalit households.<br />

Only 10 per cent Dalit households<br />

have sanitation facilities as compared<br />

to 27 per cent of non-Dalit household<br />

ones (Mandel, 2014:14). Dr Ambedkar<br />

was an eminent scholar and a prolific<br />

writer. His social and economic philosophy<br />

was deeply influenced by the<br />

thoughts of Tathaghat Gautam Buddha.<br />

Dr Ambedkar strongly advocated the<br />

ideals of “Equality, Fraternity, and<br />

Freedom”. Dr Ambedkar said: “My<br />

social philosophy may be said to be<br />

enshrined in three words: liberty,<br />

equality and fraternity. My philosophy<br />

has roots in religion and not in political<br />

science. I have derived them from the<br />

teachings of my master, the Buddha”.<br />

His deep knowledge about the Hindu<br />

Society gave him a vision to understand<br />

Indian Society very well and<br />

understand the challenges prevailed in<br />

India. He was depressed with the<br />

worst situation of untouchable communities<br />

and was particularly worried<br />

about the worst condition of poor<br />

women. Dr Ambedkar`s socioeconomic<br />

philosophy stands relevant today as<br />

the gap between the haves and havenots<br />

is constantly increasing due to<br />

unequal distribution of sources of<br />

wealth and opportunities. This paper<br />

shall make an attempt to explore the<br />

possibilities of applying of Dr<br />

Ambedkar`s socioeconomic philosophy<br />

to give direction to the stability<br />

and sustainability of democracy in<br />

India. At the completion of the Draft<br />

Constitution (25 November 1949), Dr.<br />

Ambedkar sounded a grave warning in<br />

his famous address in the Constituent<br />

assembly: On the 26th January 1950,<br />

we are going to enter into a life of contradictions.<br />

In politics, we will have<br />

equality and in social and economic<br />

life we will have inequality.<br />

In politics, we will be recognizing<br />

the principle of one-man, one-vote and<br />

one-vote one-value. In our social and<br />

economic life, we shall because of our<br />

social and economic structure, continue<br />

to deny the principle of one-man<br />

one-value. How long shall we continue<br />

to live this life of contradictions? How<br />

long shall we continue to deny equality<br />

in our social and economic life? If we<br />

continue to deny it for long, we will do<br />

so only by putting our political democracy<br />

in peril. We must remove this contradiction<br />

at the earliest possible or else<br />

those who suffer from inequality will<br />

blow up the structure of political<br />

democracy, which this Assembly has<br />

so laboriously built up (Three<br />

Historical Addresses 1999:53-54).<br />

It seems that the Indian state has<br />

accorded some heed to the prophetic<br />

warning of Dr. Ambedkar. Independent<br />

India opted<br />

for a mixed<br />

Dr Saroj Rani<br />

(M.A, Ph. D), Assistant Professor,<br />

University of Delhi, New Delhi.<br />

economy<br />

model of<br />

development<br />

and<br />

introduced the system of reservation<br />

for the downtrodden in government<br />

jobs, education institutions and legislature.<br />

Legal provisions for reducing the<br />

enormous gap between the rich/upper<br />

and the poor/lower castes have been<br />

incorporated in the law book of the<br />

land. The preamble of the constitution<br />

clearly spells out the objectives of<br />

securing “to all its citizens JUSTICE,<br />

social, economic and political” as well<br />

as “EQUALITY of status and of opportunity”.<br />

Dr B. R. Ambedkar was a brilliant<br />

social and political thinker in the contemporary<br />

world who understands the<br />

Indian society deeply and raised voice<br />

at national as well as international platforms<br />

on the pernicious caste system.<br />

He highlighted the problem of most<br />

hierarchical Indian society in front of<br />

the world. Through his critical writings,<br />

Dr Ambedkar argued, the caste<br />

system has created an order of ascending<br />

scale of reverence and descending<br />

scale of contempt. The caste hierarchy<br />

very much ingrained in the economic<br />

and political system and cultural<br />

arrangement of India. Dr Ambedkar<br />

understood the economic bondage of<br />

the Dalits who lived in the dingy village<br />

community. In realistic evaluation<br />

of the village, Ambedkar graphically<br />

described them, as `a sink of localism a<br />

den of ignorance, narrow-mindedness<br />

and communalism . Dr Ambedkar was<br />

aware of the economic dimension of<br />

their servitude. Therefore, he always<br />

insisted that the Dalits should stop their<br />

traditional work. Instead, they should<br />

acquire new skills and start new professions.<br />

Dr Ambedkar always stressed<br />

upon education, which would enable<br />

the Dalits to get employment. Dr<br />

Ambedkar was a great visionary, a progressive<br />

statesman and an erudite<br />

scholar. Dr Ambedkar favoured industrialisation<br />

since he knew that the success<br />

of<br />

India is<br />

certainly<br />

based on<br />

the economic<br />

revolution.<br />

He<br />

was very much aware of the fact that in<br />

the process of industrialisation,<br />

demand for new skills and talent will<br />

occupy the prominent place in the coming<br />

days.<br />

Dr Ambedkar was of the view that<br />

this would ensure their economic<br />

emancipation to a considerable extent.<br />

The gaps between the haves and havenots<br />

has been widening deep due to<br />

unparalleled, unequal distribution of<br />

wealth and opportunities. Today Dr<br />

Ambedkar`s socio-economic philosophy<br />

stands relevant in Indian context<br />

since he offered several solutions to<br />

deal with the problems for the successful<br />

parliamentary democracy. In no<br />

case and circumstances, it cannot be<br />

forgotten that the Dalits in India are the<br />

most vulnerable community, who are<br />

the first one to be communally targeted.<br />

This is ironical that one who produces<br />

food for us, is deprived of basic<br />

needs.<br />

Dr Ambedkar’s view are more relevant<br />

today as he also wanted that<br />

agrarian society should be taken into<br />

consideration as priority because<br />

most of the people are employed in<br />

this sector. But, negligence of this<br />

sector after the reforms will become a<br />

major challenge for Indian society.<br />

Exclusion of the Dalits after<br />

Economic Reforms<br />

The term exclusion has become a<br />

part of the lexicon of economists<br />

recently, although it has been in the<br />

jargon of sociology and the vocabulary<br />

of politics in Europe for long<br />

time. The phrase social exclusion is<br />

used to describe a situation, as also to<br />

focus on a process, which excludes<br />

individuals or groups from livelihood<br />

and rights, thus depriving them of<br />

sources of well-being. Basic entitlements<br />

such health, education are<br />

denied to the Dalits. The bulk of the<br />

Dalits population in India falls in the<br />

category of below poverty line.<br />

Majority of the Dalits population continue<br />

to live in extreme poverty without<br />

land or opportunities for better<br />

employment or education. Most of the<br />

Dalit men and women work as agricultural<br />

labourer. The relationship<br />

between caste and poverty seems to be<br />

of symbiotic in nature. They reinforce<br />

each other and often club together in<br />

posing a serious challenge to the nascent<br />

institutions of social democracy in<br />

India.<br />

The inextricably intertwined phenomena<br />

of caste and poverty is so well<br />

entrenched that it has failed to recede<br />

back even after the adoption of economic<br />

reform measures in India in<br />

1991. On the contrary, the latter is further<br />

strengthening the antidemocracy<br />

nexus between caste and poverty in the<br />

country. With the introduction of privatization,<br />

liberalization, globalization<br />

and disinvestments, many government<br />

industries and public sector undertakings<br />

have already been sold off. As a<br />

result, thousands of jobs in the public<br />

sector have been lost. The technology<br />

has also reduced the job market for<br />

non-technicals. Privatization has an<br />

adverse effect on the Dalits. There is no<br />

clause for reservation being added into<br />

the disinvestment deals struck between<br />

the government and the private sector.<br />

It is a clear subversion of castebased<br />

reservation and keeps the Dalits<br />

away from jobs. Whenever the issue of<br />

reservation for SCs & STs comes, the<br />

privileged Indians start talking about<br />

merit. Reservation is bitterly opposed<br />

by non-Dalits and put hurdles in the<br />

implementation of this policy by either<br />

going to court or making service rules<br />

against reservation. It is a well-known<br />

fact that without education other constitutional<br />

safeguards, reservation in<br />

services would be meaningless. It<br />

would also be hard for Dalits to send<br />

their wards to the temple of learning.<br />

But, it is to be kept in mind that the<br />

enrolment alone does not give any substantial<br />

amount of educational achievement<br />

when the rate of drop out is also<br />

substantially high among the Dalits.<br />

Despite several kinds of State assistance,<br />

the dropout rate is also alarming<br />

at the primary, middle and secondary<br />

stages of education in respect of the<br />

Dalits. The sphere of primary and elementary<br />

education could not remain<br />

unaffected from globalization and even<br />

commercialization of education is continuously<br />

increasing (Mandel, 2014 :<br />

4). Now, an atmosphere against<br />

Parliamentary form of government and<br />

the constitution of India is created in<br />

such a way that the majority of Indians<br />

starts believing that all the ills in India<br />

are because of these institutions. Public<br />

opinion is being generated to change<br />

the constitution and replace the parliamentary<br />

system in the presidential<br />

form of government. If the right wing<br />

outfits are successful in achieving their<br />

objective, the reservation will definitely<br />

go and the Dalits would be pushed<br />

back again.<br />

With privatization, it is fact that for<br />

the posts of Chairman, Managing<br />

Director of Indian Public Sector<br />

Undertakings (PSUs) not even a 2%<br />

SC & ST are selected from the Dalits.<br />

It is also the fact that almost 90% of<br />

CMDs of PSUs become an industrialist<br />

and family business houses once they<br />

retire from PSUs. Private companies<br />

are either owned or managed by the<br />

family members or a particular caste<br />

group, the Dalits have no chance to get<br />

opportunity in those positions. The<br />

benefits of globalisation are yet to<br />

reach these ‘patient and long suffering<br />

people’ who never shirk from hard<br />

work and toiling labour. But, the free<br />

market economy driven forces advocate<br />

the concerns of the rich and<br />

resourceful only.<br />

This widens the gap between the<br />

rich and the poor. The widening gap,<br />

coupled with the rolling back of the<br />

state lead to further resentment and<br />

alienation among the downtrodden that<br />

in turn puts the pressure on the practice<br />

of democracy in the country (Singh<br />

2006). Baba Sahib Dr. B.R. Ambedkar<br />

was very well aware, much in advance,<br />

about the serious implications of the<br />

lopsided development for the growth<br />

of social democracy in a caste-ridden<br />

country like India. He therefore underlined<br />

the inclusion of the downtrodden<br />

into the governmental set-up of the<br />

country. For that, he emphasized that<br />

the safe route goes via the total annihilation<br />

of caste and in that, the role of<br />

the state is of utmost importance. If<br />

globalization implies pushing the state<br />

out, then the future of the project of<br />

social democracy seems to be very<br />

bleak. It is in this context that the<br />

responsibility and the task of safeguarding<br />

the developmental character<br />

of the Indian state becomes very crucial<br />

more so for the empowerment of<br />

the Dalits in particular, and strengthening<br />

the forces of social democracy in<br />

India in general.<br />

Globalisation, thus, poses a serious<br />

challenge to the formation of social<br />

democracy in India. It is often paraded<br />

as a custodian of enormous ‘opportunities’.<br />

See on Page 20

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!