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144 Values and Civil and Political Liberties photographers. The purposes for Press photographers' presence at assemblies seem to me to be fourfold: they are there to report that a certain matter is a fact of such public concern that there has been a protesting assembly; they are there as observers of how the public authorities behaved in controlling that assembly and their evidence is useful should those authorities have behaved unlawfully (have there been Press objections to surrendering photographs evidencing police misbehaviour?); they are there to inform the public if those assembling misbehaved (it is such evidence that the Press wishes to withhold on the basis that photo-journalists will be exposed to crowd hostility and possible attacks, an argument implying that if police beat up photographers, evidence should not be disclosed of police misbehaviour); and they are there in the commercial or property interests of their newspapers which wish to increase circulation by providing interesting coverage. They may also be there for the purpose of exercising their own freedoms of association and of expression. That journalists' and photographers' evidence is made available or that they are subpoenaed as witnesses will not prevent future reporting of the facts and circumstances, although it may make photographs more difficult to obtain. We are a literate and listening public, so we lose little should gloomy photographers rather choose to enjoy a day of rest, unlike reporters and the police at weekends, both of which professions must, in the public interest, remain on duty. But I should not poke fun at photo-journalists: their images and the direct impact of seeing events can alter public perceptions, the most significant change in the United Kingdom occurring in October 1968 with the nation-wide television coverage of the then unreformed Royal Ulster Constabulary in action against a peaceful civil rights demonstration in Londonderry. Had British politicians thereafter acted
Interaction of Freedoms of Expression 145 with more speed and the appropriate degree of sensitivity, both when implementing changes to give full civil, political and economic rights in Northern Ireland and when supervising the enforcement of public order, the tragic developments of the last two decades might well have been aborted. Nor can it be said that it was wrong to strike a balance which to some extent invaded freedom of expression of three specified organisations, two of which are political parties which impliedly seek public support for terrorists on the electronic media. Against their freedom of expression must be set the public interest in preserving public safety and preventing crime. Unfortunately, when broadcasting restrictions on the words of any person representing such specified organisation were imposed in October 1988, the responsible Minister first virtually described them as a sop to persons affronted by such conduct, although the proper justification for the restrictions was that, by limiting propaganda, they also limited the recruitment of new supporters for such violent causes. The public right to information and ideas is only marginally affected, because these can be communicated by voice-over, while the informant still enjoys the right to impart his ideas, although he does not obtain the benefit of using publicly-funded electronic equipment to do this in the most effective and lively fashion necessary for successful propaganda. In the event, the IRA privately complains that its recruitment levels have dropped since Sinn Fein became less able to speak sympathetically for it. A similar measure has been in force in the Republic of Ireland since the early 1980s. That survived challenges both under administrative law and under the Republic's Constitution, despite its fundamental rights Article protecting free speech. In short, a choice and adjustment between competing rights was made that was within the bounds of reasonableness.
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THE AMLY LECTURES Forty-second seri
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THE HAMLYN LECTURES FORTY-SECOND SE
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THE UNITED KINGDOM AND HUMAN RIGHTS
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CONTENTS The Hamlyn Lectures vii Th
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viii The Hamlyn Lectures 1959 Judge
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x The Hamlyn Lectures 1985 Law and
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xii The Hamlyn Trust London, Leeds,
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xiv The Hamlyn Legacy Torquay. Will
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xvi The Hamlyn Legacy grandfather.
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xviii The Hamlyn Legacy realising a
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xx The Hamlyn Legacy and imaginativ
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2 The United Kingdom and Human Righ
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10 The United Kingdom and Human Rig
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2. Human Rights, Values, Choice and
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52 Human Rights, Values and Choice
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194 People and Education for Human
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234 Education—cont. National Curr
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236 Relativism—cont. descriptive,
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Protection of the Public— A New C
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