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140 ⁄ the victory of esoterism and the imperial metaphor<br />

application of this term indicates that the political diction of a circle of vassals<br />

in the seventh century was coming to be applied to a circle of religious structures.<br />

Queen Dudda occupied the center of the circle, while the monasteries<br />

protected her periphery and were sustained by her authority.<br />

Construction details and vocabulary for the mandala are directly connected<br />

to the architectural heritage of palace construction as well. Indeed, the term for<br />

the residence of the divinities of the mandala is exactly that employed for palaces<br />

and pavilions in medieval architectural manuals, with the architectural terminology<br />

for them almost identical. The central Buddha resides in a pavilion<br />

(kutagara), which has entrances in the four directions and ornamented corners<br />

in the intermediate directions. The entrances are dominated by arched gateways<br />

(torana), in the shape of scepters (vajra), and guarded by an adamantine<br />

wall—a fortress of religiosity. Internally, there is an adamantine redoubt (vajrapañjara)<br />

protecting the lord and his families. Although the term vajrapañjara<br />

came to be interpreted by Tibetans as an impenetrable canopy (rdo rje gur), the<br />

term initially indicated a cage or citadel that could not be penetrated, and the<br />

Harsacarita uses the term as a metaphor in its identification of Harsa’s body<br />

with specific parts of the citadel. 86 The clear association of Buddhist mandala<br />

terminology with palace architecture is equally evident when we compare mandala<br />

ground plans with those depicted in such medieval treatises as the Mayamata.<br />

Here, the arrangement of the palaces, pavilions, and halls closely resembles<br />

the Buddhist mandala idealization. Their similarity is obvious when set<br />

against the structure and terminology of temples (mandira) dedicated to Brahmanical<br />

divinities or monasteries (vihara) for Buddhist monks. 87 Not only are<br />

these latter designs dissimilar to mandalas, but the terminology could not be<br />

more distinct. Meister’s review of medieval North Indian temple architecture<br />

establishes a lexical base for dissociating these temple plans from the Buddhist<br />

mandala architecture. 88 Nowhere in mandala discussions are found descriptions<br />

of a sanctum sanctorum (garbhagrha), a single entrance through an assembly<br />

hall (jaNgha), or other specifics evident both in the literature for the period or<br />

in surviving temples from the seventh to eleventh centuries.<br />

We might wonder whether sufficient attention has been given to the value<br />

of some of the terms associated with a mandala as well. For example, the designation<br />

“family”—observed in the Buddha families in the center and cardinal<br />

directions of the mandala—is not a precise rendering of the Sanskrit word<br />

kula. Although there is some variation according to locale, in the Gangetic valley<br />

a kula indicates not just a clan (gotra) or a specific lineage (vam$a) but a clan<br />

or lineage situated in a specific residence. In the medieval period, the term kula<br />

specifically had the value of direction and locality attached to it, to the point

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