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172 ⁄ siddhas and the religious landscape<br />

human and divine, are associated with specific institutionalized lineages and<br />

not simply free-floating forms. Whether the topic is the gods or the saints of<br />

the systems, they are represented within specific lineages and traditions. When<br />

Buddhist texts are concerned with theological objects, these come into view at<br />

specific locales and under sometimes peculiar circumstances, as shown below in<br />

the case of Heruka. Thus Sanderson properly moves the discussion from a<br />

proposition about religious icons to the analysis of specific religious agents.<br />

Unhappily, Ruegg’s model cannot entirely account for the spectrum of<br />

specifics, based on caste, gender, locale, affiliation, and other variables. It appears<br />

not entirely applicable, especially because of its postulation of a Platonic<br />

plane wherein resides the forms iterated in specific religious systems. His position<br />

seems analogous to Saussure’s langue/parole model, wherein the entire potential<br />

of a language (langue) is never expressed in the particular speech of a person<br />

(parole). 4 Because of their structuralist formulations, neither Saussure’s nor<br />

Ruegg’s models—and this is part of Sanderson’s criticism—can easily take into<br />

account regional variation, incomprehensible idioms, place-specific identity,<br />

and the sudden emergence of a new prototype that overwhelms some parts of a<br />

religious system but not others. 5 Yet Sanderson’s observation of the specificity<br />

of lineages seems also excessively reified, for it would be difficult from his model<br />

to determine whether there were unique local personalities or specific movements<br />

even within these broad heterodox groups.<br />

In an entirely different direction, White postulated that human siddhas appropriated<br />

the designation “siddha” in order to emulate the behavior and to<br />

obtain the powers of their celestial heroes. 6 According to this line of reasoning,<br />

the celestial band lived on mountain peaks, and the earthly siddhas attempted<br />

to secure their services, their females, and—ultimately—their powers.<br />

Again we might wonder if this is not excessively reified. Whatever its applicability<br />

to other traditions, White’s position does not accord well with the primary<br />

data on the Buddhist goal, which seem to speak of supremacy over the<br />

Vidyadharas (sorcerers, human or divine) rather than celestial siddhas. Certainly<br />

for Buddhists, human siddha behavior was not in imitation of the celestial<br />

Perfected, but sought to gain power through decidedly different means.<br />

Since the term does not apply to Buddhist saints until the medieval period,<br />

we might look to non-Buddhist sources for some degree of inspiration, especially<br />

in view of the astonishing variation and vitality of Indian religion during<br />

the ancient and medieval eras. 7 For the present purposes, though, this discussion<br />

is limited to those non-Buddhist systems with an observable clergy or<br />

group identity, rather than unfocused popular movements. Buddhist documents<br />

consistently specify the interaction between Buddhists and others at this

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