Policing Large Scale Disorder: Lessons from the disturbances of ...

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Home Affairs Committee: Evidence Ev w9 Dhani and Kaiza (2011). Police Service Strength England and Wales 2011. London: Home Office. Gittens, M, (2004) What About Us; Black Women in Policing Research Paper—Part 1. Bridgend: National Black Police Associations Women’s Group. HMIC (1996–97). Thematic Inspection Report on Policing Community and Race Relations—Winning The Race Policing Plural Communities. London. HMIC (1998–99). Thematic Inspection Report on Policing Community and Race Relations—Winning The Race. “Re-visited”. London. HMIC (2001). Winning the Race: Embracing Diversity, London: Home Office. HMIC (2003). Diversity Matters. London: Home Office. Johnson, Dr S (2008). The illusion of inclusion. Unpublished. Lentz, S, A; Chaires, R H (2007). “The invention of Peel’s principles: A study of policing “textbook” history”. Journal of Criminal Justice 35: 69–79. doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2006.11.016. Local Government Association (2002). Guidance on Community Cohesion. London: LGA publications. MacPherson, Sir W (1999). The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry. London: The Stationery Office. NBPA (2011). Press release—Tottenham Riots http://www.nbpa.co.uk/news-events/tottenham-riots/ NBPA (2011). Press release—Trust and Confidence task force www.nbpa.co.uk/home/nbpa-to-establish-trustand-confidence-task-force/ NBPA (2011). Winsor submission www.nbpa.co.uk/reports/nbpa-consultation-response/ Neal, S (2003). The Scarman Report, the Macpherson Report and the Media: How Newspapers Respond to Race-centred Social Policy Interventions. Milton Keynes: Cambridge University press. NPIA (2010). Equality in Employment Report London: NPIA. Scarman, Lord, O.B.E. (1982). The Brixton Disorders. London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Office. Smikle, T C (2010). How the relationship between the police and Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) communities in the United Kingdom have been documented from a media and an academic perspective (focusing on 1999–2009). Unpublished. Smikle, T C (2010). Dissertation—What does Community Cohesion mean to Policing in Britain? Unpublished. Wikipedia a (2011). http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Riot (accessed 16 August 2011). September 2011 1. Purpose Written evidence submitted on behalf of the Lozells, Handsworth and Birchfield Community (Perry Barr Constituency, Birmingham) This report is submitted on behalf of the Lozells, Handsworth and Birchfield community (Perry Barr Constituency, Birmingham) as evidence to the Home Affairs Select Committee Inquiry into Policing Largescale Disorder. 2. Background The riots in Birmingham occurred between 8–9 August. We witnessed looting in the city centre, disorder in suburbs, public transportation brought to a standstill, vehicles set on fire, businesses closing early and the tragic loss of life for three men defending their property. These events have stimulated as much speculation about their causes as they have caused anxiety for the city’s majority population of law abiding citizens. Government has blamed family breakdown and a complete lack of responsibility in parts of our society. Media coverage gives the impression that the riots were fuelled by racial undertones. Young people have been branded as criminals and just about everyone has an opinion of how the police handled the riots. The riots have been particularly painful to residents in North West Birmingham. Barely two months’ ago (9 July 2011) residents in Lozells, Handsworth and Birchfield came together in a People’s Conference themed “Citizens unite to make change”. The Conference considered how, with fewer resources, residents, third sector organisations and public sector organisations could work together to make the area a better place in which to live and work. Far from being an abdication of responsibility, the People’s Conference was a vivid testimony to Big Society principles. The same sense of responsibility was the impetus for convening an emergency People’s Conference for residents to voice their concerns about possible causes and consequences of the Birmingham riots. The Conference was organised around four thematic workshops and a plenary panel discussion:
Ev w10 Home Affairs Committee: Evidence — Young People. — Parents and Families. — Community Safety. — Community Cohesion. This report summarises the key messages and recommendations flowing from workshop discussions and closes with a list of questions to which delegates are inviting responses. 3. Messages Across the workshops it quickly became apparent that individual themes could not be considered in entire isolation from other themes. Furthermore, feedback reports highlighted the prevalence of cross-cutting issues— issues such as “sense of community” that have a bearing on all four themes under consideration. As a consequence, the messages are presented under a series of cross-cutting issues. 3.1 Race (a) These disturbances should not be considered in the same way as the disturbances in 1985. People from all races were involved. It was not a race riot. (b) What was not an issue of race is being whipped up as a racial issue and creating fear. Delegates were unanimous in their concerns racial stereotyping by the media and malicious individuals using race and racial tensions to feed their own interests. 3.2 Community cohesion (a) The rioting was branded as criminality and not a breakdown in community cohesion. However community cohesion tensions arose out of the fear of attack—eg Sikhs protecting their property against attacks from other communities and the irresponsible portrayal of young African Caribbean males as the majority rioters. The popular perception was that 90% of media pictures showed young Black males, thereby creating negative views and fear about this specific cohort. (b) A cohesive community mourns the untimely death of any of its residents. African Caribbean deaths within the locality have not stimulated the same intensity of response as afforded to the three Asian men so tragically killed. The perception of differential treatment breeds resentment and tension. (c) In view of what has been happening and the associated horrors and traumas, there is a deep sense of fear in sections of the community. The African Caribbean community feels particularly demonised as perpetrators and the majority group in the riots. (d) The government, media and the courts are creating a climate of racial tensions through demonising the African Caribbean community and disproportionate sentencing. (e) The African Caribbean community is taking the brunt of the blame, fuelling tensions within the African Caribbean community and against it. (f) Communities are not being brought together through natural or even contrived mechanisms. Nevertheless, some very good relationships do exist between Asians and African Caribbeans. These should be celebrated and shared—not flushed away. (g) There is some fear (difficulty to quantify) of Muslim backlash after Ramadan. 3.3 Police and policing (a) The riots caught police on the hop. There appeared to be either a lack of awareness or a lack of readiness—or even both. There was no presence of police in some areas despite warnings via social media and a general view of a slow response time. Communities felt that they had no option but to protect their properties, particularly those with homes above shops. (b) The Police needed to act quickly in order to prevent crime and disorder and should have been present prior to the incident that resulted in three lives being lost. The Police failed to the job that they were paid to do. (c) Baton rounds could have killed and or seriously injured people and possibly inflamed the situation. (d) The Police Strategy failed to engage with local people leading the community to feel it was not protected. The Police need to seriously review how they responded to the difficulties. (e) The Prime Minister’s use of inflammatory language when referring to an all-out war on gangs and gang culture was unhelpful and undermined some good work undertaken locally between Police, communities and gang members.
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