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View Original - Middle East Technical University

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‘at the root of the crisis was, on the supply side, a crisis of labour which provoked a<br />

crisis of profitability’(Lipietz 1992:315). Brenner and Glick’s particular<br />

counterargument on stagnation via productivity recession in Fordist economies is that<br />

regulationists largely equivocate that ‘after some given point in history,<br />

machinofacture in general –in contrast to particular mechanized manufacturing<br />

processes- should yield diminishing returns’(1991:100), however an even more<br />

substantial counterargument is that they ‘offer no other systematic contradiction, or<br />

source of capitalist crisis, except the ‘uneven development of Department I’ and<br />

underconsumption’(ibid.:114).<br />

Robert Brenner’s 1998 New Left Review piece had seemingly tugged away at the dust<br />

sheets over a long adjourned quarrel within the Marxian theory of crisis. Brenner<br />

argues that ‘reports of a cure for periodic economic crisis, indeed secular stagnation,<br />

were premature’(1998:2) at a time when structural crises were back. This said, he is<br />

particularly against the ‘consensus of today’s economists’ for whom the structural<br />

crisis of the 1970s is a supply-side crisis. For the theory of supply-side crisis or ‘Full<br />

Employment Profit Squeeze’, wage growth is the real crisis mechanism since it is<br />

technically antithetical to stagnating levels of productivity growth. Of course, profit-<br />

squeeze argument is that this antithetical wage growth stemmed from institutionalised<br />

labour markets, social wage system and anti-Taylorist unionised labour as opposed to<br />

tight labour markets; thereby, growth of wage income was not because not many were<br />

employable at the time. In short, the profit-squeeze shibboleth is the ‘contradictions<br />

of Keynesianism’. This is curiously very Kaleckian, though for Kalecki, the said<br />

contradictions were not economic per se. To that effect, the profit-squeeze<br />

‘consensus’ infracts from Kalecki with its ‘account of those institutional mechanisms<br />

which, ..., provided the foundations of the postwar boom ... [and] the enhancement of<br />

the power of labour and the citizenry [which] directly undermined the accumulation<br />

process by bringing about a squeeze on profits’(ibid.:15). For Brenner, profit-squeeze<br />

via wage growth, however, is not a broad enough mechanism of crisis, it is in fact ever<br />

so tendencial because of certain ‘compensatory economic, political, and social<br />

87

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