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Legitimate use of military force against state-sponsored - Air University

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elevance is international law? Why should we care about it? In addition to the <strong>state</strong>d US policy<br />

to comply with international law, other important reasons exist as to why international law is<br />

applicable to the conduct <strong>of</strong> <strong>military</strong> operations by the United States.<br />

First, as <strong>state</strong>d by Justice Horace Gray in Paquette Habana, “international law is part <strong>of</strong><br />

our law.” 40 The US Constitution, article I, section 8, cla<strong>use</strong> 10 and article III, section 2,<br />

recognizes that the United States is subject to international law and Congress has the power to<br />

define <strong>of</strong>fenses under the law <strong>of</strong> nations. From the very beginning <strong>of</strong> our federal republic, US<br />

courts have treated customary international law as an integral part <strong>of</strong> the law <strong>of</strong> the United<br />

States. As Pr<strong>of</strong> Louis Henkin, Columbia ‘<strong>University</strong>, <strong>state</strong>s, “international law is not merely law<br />

binding on the United States internationally but it is also incorporated into United States law.” 41<br />

Violation <strong>of</strong> international law becomes a breach <strong>of</strong> US law that can have a significant impact on<br />

us as a nation and as individuals.<br />

International treaty law is also US law, but it is treated somewhat differently. The<br />

Constitution, article VI, cla<strong>use</strong> 2, provides that “all treaties made, or which shall be made, under<br />

the Authority <strong>of</strong> the United States” are, like federal laws, the supreme law <strong>of</strong> the land.<br />

Consequently, all laws and treaties <strong>of</strong> the United States are supreme over <strong>state</strong> laws, but <strong>of</strong> equal<br />

status to one another. Thus, a US law passed after a treaty takes effect may prevail over that<br />

treaty without violating the Constitution. Moreover, since the president has the constitutional<br />

capacity to unilaterally denounce a treaty, such action could not be challenged in US courts. In<br />

these circumstances, US law would not be violated even though international law would be, and<br />

the United States could be held accountable by the international community for such action. The<br />

important point to recognize is that customary international law, unlike treaty law, is inherently<br />

part <strong>of</strong> US law and always applies. Customary law provides the great body <strong>of</strong> international legal<br />

norms relative to the <strong>use</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>military</strong> <strong>force</strong>. Even those principles concerning the <strong>use</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>force</strong> as<br />

are contained in the United Nations Charter, articles 2(4) and 51, are now generally considered<br />

by legal scholars as having become customary international law. Moreover, no matter what the<br />

status <strong>of</strong> treaty obligations <strong>of</strong> the United States may be under our law, such obligations bind the<br />

United States internationally until properly terminated in accordance with the law <strong>of</strong> nations.<br />

Second, democratic societies are established on the rule <strong>of</strong> law, and compliance with<br />

international law is fundamental to American tradition. In the eloquent words <strong>of</strong> Abram Chayes,<br />

former State Department legal adviser,<br />

A nation which pr<strong>of</strong>esses to live by the rule <strong>of</strong> law invites a sure penalty,<br />

sometimes more swiftly than by the judgment <strong>of</strong> a court, if it turns from the path<br />

<strong>of</strong> the law. For us and our associates, moreover, whether we will pr<strong>of</strong>ess to live by<br />

the law is not an issue <strong>of</strong> policy on which we have alternatives. The answer is<br />

inherent in our national tradition, in our culture, and it is implied in the purposes<br />

for which we strive in the world. It is implicit in our avowal at birth <strong>of</strong> “a decent<br />

respect for the opinions <strong>of</strong> mankind.” Thus it seems to me we will have a hard<br />

time in developing a doctrine as to the <strong>use</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>force</strong> which will permit us to be<br />

judge in our own case. 42

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