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Celebrating 90 Years - Foreign Policy Association

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Relations Between Russia<br />

and the United States<br />

74 | FOREIGN POLICY ASSOCIATION<br />

(Continued)<br />

the problem of Iran’s nuclear program, like any<br />

other international problem, cannot be resolved<br />

by force. Therefore, there is no alternative to<br />

a political and diplomatic settlement. Iran<br />

is undergoing a political process that can be<br />

influenced positively only through engagement.<br />

We should have learned the lesson of how<br />

dangerous it is to artificially create rogue states<br />

and to refuse to provide equal security for all.<br />

We can hardly prevent mistaken steps<br />

if someone is determined to take them, but<br />

we will feel sorry if our partners make a<br />

hasty choice in resolutions concerning Iran or<br />

unilateral independence for Kosovo. The real<br />

question is whether the United States, Europe,<br />

the Middle East, and the entire international<br />

community can afford such moves.<br />

It is quite telling that appeals to build<br />

pressure on Iran, while leaving no options on<br />

the table, were voiced precisely at the moment<br />

when the International Atomic Energy Agency<br />

obtained Tehran’s pledge and commitment<br />

to resolve the important issues related to its<br />

nuclear program. Let us not forget that a similar<br />

situation existed in 2003 vis-à-vis Iraq, when<br />

the IAEA was not given a chance to complete<br />

the work it had begun, and the so-called<br />

coalition of the willing, in circumvention of the<br />

U.N. Security Council, undertook to accomplish<br />

the mission. By the way, coalitions of the<br />

willing do not constitute multilateralism. They<br />

are simply a group of countries subscribing to<br />

decisions already made by somebody else. As<br />

Fyodor Dostoyevsky wrote, they are “longing for<br />

submission to somebody else’s will.” I think that<br />

true multilateralism is found not in the number<br />

of participants, but rather in the modalities of<br />

their participation. Multilateralism implies<br />

joint analysis from the very beginning, joint<br />

decision-making, and consequently, shared<br />

responsibility. If this approach had been applied<br />

in respect to, say, Iraq, I think the results could<br />

have been different.<br />

As for Iran, we started working in the<br />

format of six countries, and at the very<br />

beginning, we agreed to work on a collective<br />

basis and within the U.N. Security Council. The<br />

Council included three countries in Europe, the<br />

United States, Russia, and China. However, in<br />

addition to our mutually developed plan, which<br />

has been endorsed by the Security Council and<br />

has begun to bring results, the United States<br />

and some European countries have announced<br />

unilateral and obviously disproportionate<br />

sanctions against Iran. Such steps absolutely<br />

damage the common course.<br />

Our relations with the European Union<br />

have suffered from what I would call collective<br />

unilateralism. The new members of the EU<br />

seem to be mesmerized by their numbers,<br />

and each of them may demand solidarity with<br />

everyone else on any individual problem. As<br />

a result, we encounter a bloc position, and<br />

we find this bloc position not only when we<br />

negotiate directly with the EU, but also when<br />

we negotiate in the United Nations, in the<br />

Coalitions of the willing do not<br />

constitute multilateralism. They<br />

are simply a group of countries<br />

subscribing to decisions already<br />

made by somebody else.

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