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Celebrating 90 Years - Foreign Policy Association

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who arrived a few days after I did, the Coalition<br />

Provisional Authority did develop a plan. We<br />

started the transition to Iraqi-led governance, but<br />

we started too late. The murder of U.N. Representative<br />

Sergio de Mello was a big blow. We<br />

faced a violent insurgency, fueled from Syria and<br />

Iran, that gave us and the Iraqi people five painful<br />

years.<br />

We deployed overwhelming military force<br />

to overthrow Saddam. In retrospect, that was<br />

the easy bit. Afterward, we needed a plan and<br />

the resources, both civilian and military, to help<br />

a new and better stability emerge quickly. As<br />

the pottery store notice says, “If you break it, you<br />

own it.” Iraq was, and is, partly our responsibility<br />

until it can stand on its own feet again.<br />

I think the recent progress in Basra and<br />

Baghdad is welcome. Coalition efforts and a<br />

newly confident Iraqi government and army show<br />

that stabilizing Iraq is possible, even though it<br />

has been longer and more painful than any of us<br />

envisaged.<br />

I am telling you this because foreign policy<br />

happens in real life, in clashes of hard interests<br />

and ambitions, not in measured policy documents<br />

or angry op-ed articles. Secondly, I am<br />

telling you this because my experiences shape<br />

my approach at the United Nations. When I was<br />

in South Africa, we had no Internet. We communicated<br />

with family and friends by letter that took<br />

ten days to deliver. We could afford one brief<br />

phone call home per month. Victims of armed<br />

conflict found it even more difficult to communicate<br />

to the world.<br />

We deployed overwhelming mili-<br />

tary force to overthrow Saddam.<br />

In retrospect, that was the easy<br />

bit. Afterward, we needed a plan<br />

and the resources, both civilian<br />

and military, to help a new and<br />

better stability emerge quickly.<br />

If you break it, you own it.<br />

The situation is different now. Victims<br />

have a voice. Last summer I was in eastern<br />

Congo, driving along a mud track past shacks<br />

and stunning poverty. Yet every few hundred<br />

yards in Bukavu and Goma, there was someone<br />

selling cell phone cards. When the genocide<br />

took place in Rwanda in 1994, news took time<br />

to filter out. Today, we would be listening to<br />

telephone calls in real time from people screaming<br />

for help as killers approach their village. This<br />

change creates a new sense of global community<br />

and global responsibility. If you walk down the<br />

road in New York or Washington and see a brutal<br />

man flogging his child, you think it is right to<br />

intervene or at least to call the police. Is it really<br />

so different now at the international level?<br />

The moral case for intervention can quickly<br />

be lost if the intervention is not seen as legitimate.<br />

FOREIGN POLICY ASSOCIATION | 95<br />

MEETINGS: PRESENTATION BY SIR JOHN SAWERS

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