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the other case studies did not replicate this concern. One primary co-ordinator interviewee<br />

indicated that in their role as history co-ordinator they had limited influence how other staff<br />

approached the history curriculum, which limited the extent that they were able to develop an<br />

Irish dimension. However, this issue was not raised by any <strong>of</strong> the other interviewees from<br />

either primary or secondary schools.<br />

Overall, it appears that an Irish dimension was by no means invisible. However, the form it<br />

took depended on both the values and expertise <strong>of</strong> the interviewee as well as their general<br />

curriculum pressures, which affected their role. Several <strong>of</strong> the interviewees had used a range<br />

<strong>of</strong> resources and developed creative approaches to teaching an Irish dimension. A small<br />

number <strong>of</strong> primary and secondary teachers indicated that teaching an Irish dimension related<br />

to anti-racist values. In some cases it was linked to their perceptions <strong>of</strong> Britishness or links<br />

with the local Irish community. However, several <strong>of</strong> the teachers gave pragmatic reasons –<br />

either to prepare for work at Key Stage 4 or because it was considered less challenging than<br />

alternative Modern World Studies. These different political and practical stances have<br />

significance for the way in which the past is presented to pupils. The next chapter will explore<br />

two Irish related curriculum projects and explore both the rationale behind them and the<br />

values <strong>of</strong> the teachers involved in them in order to see how far they differed from those in the<br />

current chapter.

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