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Highlights of 2011 - Institute for Policy Research - Northwestern ...

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Politics, Institutions, AND Public <strong>Policy</strong><br />

a “Ponzi scheme” during a Republican presidential primary<br />

debate. Despite such attacks, Cook pointed to strong and<br />

stable public support <strong>for</strong> Social Security, devoid <strong>of</strong> polarization<br />

by party, ideology, and age. Nearly 80 percent <strong>of</strong> respondents<br />

said they considered it an “extremely important” program in<br />

the 2010 General Social Survey, and that support has grown<br />

by 15 percent since the early 1990s. Americans, however, are<br />

concerned about the future viability <strong>of</strong> the program, which is<br />

scheduled to stop paying full benefits in 2037 (after which time<br />

it will only pay 75 percent). Cook is working on a project with<br />

Moskowitz to examine how opinions about Social Security<br />

have changed over the last 30 years, including knowledge <strong>of</strong>,<br />

confidence in, and support <strong>for</strong> changes to the program.<br />

How Presidents Use Public Opinion<br />

With Larry Jacobs <strong>of</strong> the University <strong>of</strong> Minnesota, Druckman is<br />

completing a book manuscript on the impact <strong>of</strong> public opinion<br />

on the policy responsiveness <strong>of</strong> three presidents—Lyndon<br />

Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Ronald Reagan. The researchers<br />

rely on public statements, memoranda, and other archival<br />

materials, including private polls run from the White House.<br />

Scrutinizing private polls from the Reagan White House,<br />

Druckman and Jacobs show that certain issue positions taken<br />

by Reagan were responding to the concerns <strong>of</strong> the wealthy,<br />

political independents, Baptists, born-again Protestants, and<br />

conservative Republicans. The finding points to a more nuanced<br />

understanding <strong>of</strong> how public opinion can be collected and<br />

used at the highest levels <strong>of</strong> policymaking. It also demonstrates<br />

how some economic and political interest groups can sway<br />

government policy from the overall interests <strong>of</strong> the country.<br />

opposite is true: Counter-frames generally are effective, and<br />

repetition can strengthen those effects. Given the differences in<br />

how individuals react, a single communication strategy might be<br />

impossible to implement as the tactics that work on those with<br />

weak viewpoints might backfire with those who hold stronger<br />

ones. Chong is John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Pr<strong>of</strong>essor<br />

<strong>of</strong> Political Science.<br />

American Abundance and the Paradox<br />

<strong>of</strong> Poverty<br />

IPR sociologist Monica Prasad’s <strong>for</strong>thcoming book, The Land<br />

<strong>of</strong> Too Much (Harvard University Press), centers around three<br />

key questions: Why does the United States have more poverty<br />

than any other developed country? Why did it experience an<br />

attack on state intervention starting in the 1980s, known today<br />

as the neoliberal revolution? And why did it recently suffer the<br />

greatest economic meltdown in 75 years? Prasad explores the<br />

puzzle <strong>of</strong> why the United States has the most progressive tax<br />

system <strong>of</strong> the advanced industrial world, yet one <strong>of</strong> the world’s<br />

smallest public welfare states. She traces how U.S. economic<br />

development grew from a model based on consumption<br />

while European states focused on an economic model driven<br />

by exports and investment. Fueled by a tradition <strong>of</strong> sweeping<br />

government interventions, U.S. economic growth and strict<br />

financial regulation increased private credit, which became the<br />

means <strong>for</strong> meeting citizens’ needs—a stark contrast to the<br />

cradle-to-grave social policies <strong>of</strong> a more protectionist Europe.<br />

In turn, the U.S. economic path eventually wound its way to<br />

more poverty, the “mortgage Keynesianism” that created the<br />

housing bubble, and an anti-tax and anti-regulation sentiment<br />

embodied by the recent rise <strong>of</strong> the Tea Party.<br />

Counter-Framing<br />

Druckman and fellow political scientist Dennis Chong, an<br />

IPR associate, continue their work into further developing<br />

their theory <strong>of</strong> how citizens <strong>for</strong>m political opinions and how<br />

political and media elites might affect these views. In particular<br />

they have been testing their theories about which frames are<br />

more likely to win when in competition and how long their<br />

effects last. One <strong>of</strong> their latest papers looks at how electoral<br />

campaigns and policy debates are dynamic processes that<br />

unfold over time. In the contest <strong>for</strong> public opinion, each side<br />

tries to frame issues to its advantage, but success also depends<br />

on developing effective responses to opposition frames. In<br />

this research, Druckman and Chong explore how the timing<br />

and repetition <strong>of</strong> counter-frames affect their success. Using<br />

an over-time experiment, they test several hypotheses about<br />

whether the best counter-framing strategy depends on the<br />

target audience. Their results show that, among individuals<br />

who initially <strong>for</strong>m strong opinions, a counter-frame has more<br />

impact when it is not repeated and when more time elapses<br />

between the initial frame and the counter-frame. But <strong>for</strong> those<br />

people whose opinions are susceptible to change, the exact<br />

IPR sociologist Monica Prasad finished a book on how the<br />

United States came to have one <strong>of</strong> the world’s most progressive<br />

tax systems, yet one <strong>of</strong> the world’s smallest public welfare states.<br />

41

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