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Highlights of 2011 - Institute for Policy Research - Northwestern ...

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Urban <strong>Policy</strong> and Community Development<br />

Three Segregations and Concentrated<br />

Urban Poverty<br />

<strong>Research</strong> published in the American Sociological Review by<br />

Quillian finds that blacks and Hispanics tend to have neighbors<br />

from other racial groups who are disproportionately likely to<br />

be poor, even <strong>for</strong> high-income black and Hispanic households.<br />

This contributes importantly to the high poverty rates <strong>of</strong> the<br />

neighborhoods lived in by black and Hispanic families and<br />

to high poverty rates in the schools attended by black and<br />

Hispanic children. Quillian analyzed data from the 2000 census<br />

and found that the disproportionate poverty <strong>of</strong> blacks’ and<br />

Hispanics’ neighbors who are <strong>of</strong> other races plays an important<br />

role in creating racial disparities in neighborhood poverty. He<br />

develops a model to mathematically decompose sources <strong>of</strong><br />

poverty concentration as a product <strong>of</strong> demographic conditions<br />

including <strong>for</strong>ms <strong>of</strong> segregation. He finds that concentrated<br />

poverty in minority communities results from three segregations:<br />

racial segregation, poverty-status segregation within race, and<br />

segregation from high- and middle-income members <strong>of</strong> other<br />

racial groups. Past work has emphasized racial segregation and<br />

poverty-status segregation within race, but has missed the<br />

important role played by the disproportionately low-income<br />

levels <strong>of</strong> different-race neighbors <strong>of</strong> blacks and Hispanics.<br />

Quillian concludes that we need to consider the complex<br />

combination <strong>of</strong> race and income segregation in policies to<br />

reduce poverty concentration.<br />

Dynamic Models <strong>of</strong> Race and Income<br />

Segregation<br />

Housing trends in many U.S. cities clearly reflect decades <strong>of</strong><br />

racial segregation. But why do current residents continue to<br />

relocate along racial lines? Quillian is examining the modernday<br />

causes <strong>of</strong> urban racial segregation in a project with Elizabeth<br />

Bruch <strong>of</strong> the University <strong>of</strong> Michigan. One hypothesis is that<br />

a community’s racial make up directly affects the decision to<br />

move—or not to move—to a certain community, either due<br />

to prejudice or to a preference <strong>for</strong> living among neighbors <strong>of</strong><br />

one’s own race. A second hypothesis is that race only appears<br />

to matter because it is associated with other characteristics<br />

that do matter to households, such as school quality or poverty<br />

and crime rates. To test these hypotheses, Quillian and Bruch<br />

have developed new methods <strong>for</strong> modeling residential mobility<br />

across neighborhoods. Their discrete choice models incorporate<br />

multiple characteristics <strong>of</strong> destination neighborhoods, thus<br />

improving the model’s realism in replicating residential decision<br />

making. Preliminary results suggest that racial composition is a<br />

major factor in residential mobility decisions, even controlling<br />

<strong>for</strong> housing prices, economic status, and other factors <strong>of</strong> the<br />

communities to which people move. The research is supported<br />

by the National <strong>Institute</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Health.<br />

About the Program<br />

Lincoln Quillian, Chair<br />

IPR’s Urban <strong>Policy</strong> and Community Development<br />

faculty examine the shifting landscape <strong>of</strong> urban<br />

life, considering myriad issues related to today’s<br />

urban experience. Additionally, many IPR faculty<br />

work on projects that are closely tied to urban<br />

policy in areas such as education, housing, welfare<br />

re<strong>for</strong>m, community policing, and per<strong>for</strong>mance<br />

measurement and rewards.<br />

Inequality in France and the United<br />

States<br />

Focusing on inequalities found in neighborhoods and institutions<br />

between France and the United States, 25 researchers came<br />

together <strong>for</strong> a two-day workshop to discuss issues related to<br />

education, health, and employment. Held on June 23–24, the<br />

second annual transnational workshop was co-sponsored by IPR<br />

and Science Po’s Observatoire Sociologique du Changement<br />

(OSC) and took place at <strong>Northwestern</strong> University.<br />

The opening panel examined the relationship between<br />

neighborhoods and education. In France, a recent re<strong>for</strong>m now<br />

allows students to apply to go to any public school within their<br />

district. The hope was that it would send more disadvantaged<br />

students to better schools. Yet from interviews and a comparison<br />

<strong>of</strong> the re<strong>for</strong>m’s effects in two départements (counties), one<br />

more advantaged than the other, OSC sociologist Marco<br />

Oberti and pr<strong>of</strong>essor emeritus Edmond Préteceille find the<br />

re<strong>for</strong>m has instead destabilized the system. Not only has it<br />

failed so far to create more educational opportunities <strong>for</strong> lowincome<br />

students, it also seems to be contributing to growing<br />

stratification between schools.<br />

In the United States, levels <strong>of</strong> residential segregation are typically<br />

higher than in France. IPR social psychologist Thomas D. Cook<br />

and IPR postdoctoral fellow Coady Wing discussed the results<br />

<strong>of</strong> three experiments with the Housing Choice Voucher<br />

Program, also referred to as “Section 8,” the main U.S. housing<br />

program <strong>for</strong> low-income families. Averaging around $7,600<br />

per family a year, this federal program amounts to $40 billion<br />

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