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Brown Cover OP 43 - The Watson Institute for International Studies

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Cold War reasons to support opponents of socialist revolution.<br />

Scandinavian aid agencies and mainstream church groups<br />

tilted the other way out of sympathy <strong>for</strong> the populations and<br />

governments challenging the status quo. Again, in many instances,<br />

refugee camps were controlled by parties to the conflicts.<br />

In Honduras, some Salvadoran refugee camps were controlled<br />

by insurgent <strong>for</strong>ces of the Farabundo Marti National Liberation<br />

Front (FMLN). <strong>The</strong>re was little if any international control of<br />

humanitarian assistance within them. <strong>The</strong> FMLN used the<br />

camps as rest areas <strong>for</strong> its combatants. United Nations High<br />

Commissioner <strong>for</strong> Refugees (UNHCR) officials and bilateral<br />

donors could do little about this since their access to the camps<br />

was largely controlled by those associated with the guerrilla<br />

movement. 12<br />

<strong>The</strong>se examples suggest that during the Cold War much<br />

assistance to victims of war directly or indirectly involving the<br />

superpowers violated principles of impartiality and neutrality<br />

and also sustained conflicts. Humanitarian aid was a political<br />

instrument used in pursuit of superpower aims. As one analyst<br />

observed, “Providing humanitarian help has been a convenient<br />

and seemingly ‘apolitical’ way <strong>for</strong> international actors to support<br />

rebel movements, typically those fighting a Cold War<br />

struggle.” 13<br />

A significant conflict connection also was present in cases<br />

that did not involve a Cold War context, like Biafra. <strong>The</strong> Nigerian<br />

Civil War (1966-1969) was instigated by the ef<strong>for</strong>t of the country’s<br />

Eastern Region to secede under the name of Biafra following a<br />

series of military coups in 1966. After early successes by secessionist<br />

<strong>for</strong>ces, the federal government, benefiting from substantial<br />

transfers of arms from Great Britain and the Soviet Union,<br />

<strong>for</strong>ced Biafran fighters back into a small enclave in the east and<br />

by 1968 had succeeded in cutting the rebels off from the sea.<br />

Several million people trapped in the enclave faced imminent<br />

starvation.<br />

Humanitarian action, managed by an array of NGOs motivated<br />

by the classical humanitarian perspective discussed in the<br />

Introduction, played a critical role in sustaining Biafra’s capacity<br />

to continue the conflict. Four aspects were of critical significance:<br />

using humanitarian flights as cover <strong>for</strong> shipping weapons<br />

to the rebel army; diverting relief funds <strong>for</strong> military purposes;<br />

6

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