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REGINE Regularisations in Europe Final Report - European ...

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3.3.2 Policy effectiveness of regularisation mechanisms<br />

Most Member States do have at least limited mechanisms <strong>in</strong> general immigration legislation under<br />

which illegally stay<strong>in</strong>g persons can be regularised on specific humanitarian grounds. 123 The grounds<br />

for award<strong>in</strong>g humanitarian stay are varied (see §3.1.2) and may <strong>in</strong>clude family or other ties to the<br />

country of residence, medical grounds, ‘hardship’ (which may <strong>in</strong>clude both of the former), and<br />

protracted asylum procedures. In addition, some Member States also utilise such mechanisms to<br />

‘rectify’ problems result<strong>in</strong>g from legislative changes. 124 However, humanitarian mechanisms are often<br />

used to award more secure permits to persons who otherwise do not meet the conditions for a superior<br />

legal status or who are resid<strong>in</strong>g on restricted, temporary permits and have, contrary to expectations<br />

and the terms of their stay, developed substantial ties with their country of residence. 125 This also<br />

suggests that the target population of regularisation mechanisms <strong>in</strong> EU Member States actually<br />

<strong>in</strong>cludes a variety of categories of persons who are, strictly speak<strong>in</strong>g, not illegally stay<strong>in</strong>g. 126<br />

In sum, regularisation mechanisms provide a flexible legal means to address specific situations that<br />

cannot easily be solved otherwise. This suggests that regularisation mechanisms play an important<br />

functional role as a corrective measure support<strong>in</strong>g comprehensive strategies of managed migration<br />

and allow<strong>in</strong>g a flexible accommodation of humanitarian and other concerns.<br />

Gaug<strong>in</strong>g the policy effectiveness of regularisation mechanisms is an impossible task, given the<br />

massive deficit of data noted above (§3.1.2). Whereas there are data deficits and other problems with<br />

regularisation programmes, vary<strong>in</strong>g accord<strong>in</strong>g to country, the situation with mechanisms is far worse.<br />

In particular, we note problems <strong>in</strong> the follow<strong>in</strong>g areas:<br />

i. lack of transparency <strong>in</strong> procedures, often with arbitrary outcomes<br />

ii. issues of resource allocation – unknown costs of the process<br />

123 We exclude the issu<strong>in</strong>g of (temporary) residence permits under Council Directive 2004/81/EC of 29 April.<br />

2004 on the residence permit issued to third-country nationals who are victims of traffick<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> human be<strong>in</strong>gs or<br />

who have been the subject of an action to facilitate illegal immigration, who co-operate with the competent<br />

authorities. First, like asylum, subsidiary and refugee status, this is primarily a protection related permit.<br />

Secondly, and perhaps more important, permits issued under the directive do not create an entitlement to legal<br />

residence and are explicitly of a temporary nature. Thus, the permit caters only for immediate protection needs<br />

and <strong>in</strong> a sense, <strong>in</strong> particular as smuggled migrants are concerned, has a functional role, namely to support legal<br />

proceed<strong>in</strong>gs aga<strong>in</strong>st traffickers and human smugglers.<br />

124 For example, the UK domestic worker regularisation programme implemented between July 1998 and<br />

October 1999 aimed at rectify<strong>in</strong>g expected problems follow<strong>in</strong>g an amendment of the Overseas Domestic<br />

Workers Concession announced on 23 July 1998 (See <strong>REGINE</strong> country study for the UK). However, anecdotal<br />

evidence suggests authorities often use also other, <strong>in</strong>formal mechanisms to rectify ‘practical’ problems result<strong>in</strong>g<br />

from changes of immigration legislation <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g award<strong>in</strong>g residence permits despite conditions not be<strong>in</strong>g met.<br />

There is also evidence that <strong>in</strong> cases where applications from abroad have been made mandatory <strong>in</strong> the case of<br />

family reunification, authorities have been advis<strong>in</strong>g applicants already <strong>in</strong> the country how to best apply from<br />

“near abroad” .(Informal <strong>in</strong>formation gathered <strong>in</strong> the ICMPD-led project on “Civic stratification, gender, and<br />

family migration policies <strong>in</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>”. On the project, see http://research.icmpd.org/1233.html) .<br />

125 For example, <strong>in</strong> Belgium a significant number of students, who had developed family or other ties to<br />

Belgium, apparently benefited from regularisation mechanisms under article 9.3 of the law of December 15th<br />

1980 "Betreffende de toegang tot het grondgebied, het verblijf, de vestig<strong>in</strong>g en de verwijder<strong>in</strong>g van<br />

vreemdel<strong>in</strong>gen." (Information provided by Koen Dewulf (Centre for Equal Opportunities and Opposition to<br />

Racism) <strong>in</strong> the framework of the International Sem<strong>in</strong>ar on Longitud<strong>in</strong>al Follow-up of post-immigration patterns<br />

based on adm<strong>in</strong>istrative data and record-l<strong>in</strong>kage, Belgian Federal Science Policy, Brussels, 23 June 2008.)<br />

126 Apart from persons on temporary, restricted permits, this also <strong>in</strong>cludes asylum seekers who, for the duration<br />

of their asylum procedure, are legally stay<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

48

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