Italian Fascist War Crimes in Ethiopia - Societa italiana di storia ...
Italian Fascist War Crimes in Ethiopia - Societa italiana di storia ...
Italian Fascist War Crimes in Ethiopia - Societa italiana di storia ...
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<strong>Italian</strong> <strong>Fascist</strong> <strong>War</strong> <strong>Crimes</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Ethiopia</strong> 125<br />
to defend the Marshal (as we have seen, a British protégé), on both counts. He<br />
doubted whether <strong>Fascist</strong> bomb<strong>in</strong>g of the Red Cross was “committed upon the<br />
<strong>in</strong>structions or the knowledge of the accused so as to implicate him as personally<br />
responsible.” As for poison-gas, he sought to shift the responsibility from<br />
Badoglio, by declar<strong>in</strong>g that “it appeared to him” that “practically the whole”<br />
<strong>Italian</strong> policy <strong>in</strong> <strong>Ethiopia</strong> had been “planned between Mussol<strong>in</strong>i and Graziani.”<br />
Cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g this argument, he added: “Technically, Badoglio must be held<br />
responsible for everyth<strong>in</strong>g Graziani <strong>di</strong>d, but the situation be<strong>in</strong>g as it was at the<br />
time . . . there was no doubt that the leader <strong>in</strong> the field—Graziani—was the one<br />
who was primarily responsible.” He recalled that the Japanese commander<br />
Yamashito had been held responsible for all the acts of his <strong>in</strong>feriors, and<br />
<strong>in</strong>quired whether Badoglio could likewise be considered “responsible at least<br />
for negligence.” To this he replied that the <strong>Italian</strong> case was <strong>di</strong>fferent, as “it was<br />
questionable whether Badoglio was, <strong>in</strong> fact, <strong>in</strong> a position to control Graziani.”<br />
This defense of Badoglio was highly <strong>di</strong>s<strong>in</strong>genuous: Gas had <strong>in</strong> fact been used<br />
ma<strong>in</strong>ly on <strong>Ethiopia</strong>’s northern front, under the <strong>di</strong>rect command of Badoglio,<br />
and Graziani, the commander of the southern front, had no responsibility for<br />
operations <strong>in</strong> the north.<br />
The next to speak was the commission’s chairman, Lord Wright, who represented<br />
Australia. By implication reject<strong>in</strong>g Sir Robert’s contention, he declared<br />
that the <strong>Ethiopia</strong>n charges concerned “not merely <strong>in</strong><strong>di</strong>vidual offenses,” but “a<br />
cont<strong>in</strong>uous policy, <strong>in</strong> which case it would appear <strong>di</strong>fficult to see how a man <strong>in</strong><br />
Badoglio’s position—as commander-<strong>in</strong>-chief—could free himself from complicity,<br />
or want of foresight, or control.”<br />
Dr. Aars Rynn<strong>in</strong>g, of Norway, took a similar view. He “felt quite certa<strong>in</strong> that<br />
Badoglio as chief <strong>in</strong> command and responsible for carry<strong>in</strong>g out the whole campaign,<br />
must <strong>in</strong> some way have been implicated <strong>in</strong> the decision to use poison-gas,<br />
s<strong>in</strong>ce it was a decision which must have been taken at a very high level.”<br />
Dr. Zeman, of Czechoslovakia, supported Rynn<strong>in</strong>g’s statement. He believed<br />
that “the whole policy of the subjugation of <strong>Ethiopia</strong> must have been worked<br />
out <strong>in</strong> advance, and s<strong>in</strong>ce all equipment etc. must have been assembled <strong>in</strong><br />
Eritrea from where the attack was to take place, it was <strong>di</strong>fficult to believe that<br />
Badoglio <strong>di</strong>d not take part <strong>in</strong> those plans and preparations.”<br />
Faced with these strongly argued statements, Sir Robert moved to the defensive.<br />
He observed that he was “prepared to list Badoglio as a Suspect, but was