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Review of Austrian Economics - The Ludwig von Mises Institute

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Higgs: Analysis <strong>of</strong> the Growth <strong>of</strong> Government 15<br />

economics. (Maybe economics [in reality] is not always like economics<br />

[in the models] either.) In politics one person can make a difference—<br />

not that very many can or do, but the potential exists when the right<br />

person and the right occasion conjoin. To understand the growth <strong>of</strong><br />

government, which is obviously the outcome <strong>of</strong> a political process, we<br />

may need to attend to the roles played by particular actors at critical<br />

junctures.<br />

Proposition 9<br />

In studying the growth <strong>of</strong> government, econometric analysis is<br />

superior to historical analysis.<br />

<strong>The</strong> idea that econometrics trumps history seems quite warranted if<br />

one accepts Proposition 7 (invariant structural model) and Proposition<br />

8 (personalities are irrelevant). I have already criticized those<br />

propositions, but additional objections may be raised.<br />

One problem has to do with the distinction between the creation<br />

<strong>of</strong> a new government power and its exercise, say, by means <strong>of</strong> government<br />

spending or employment. In the United States, authorization<br />

must precede the appropriation <strong>of</strong> public funds. Often certain political<br />

events prompt the creation <strong>of</strong> new authority, but a long time may<br />

pass before much money is spent under that authority.<br />

Consider, for example, the Social Security system created in 1935.<br />

Clearly the program reflected the unique configuration <strong>of</strong> socio-economic<br />

and political conditions in the mid-1980s (Weaver 1983). For<br />

the next 20 years it remained a minor element in federal spending;<br />

as late as 1955, only $4.3 billion was spent for Social Security (OASI)<br />

transfers to the aged and to eligible survivors (U.S. Office <strong>of</strong> Management<br />

and Budget 1989, p. 189). It is estimated that in 1990 these<br />

types <strong>of</strong> transfers will reach about $218 billion, thereby accounting<br />

for a large share <strong>of</strong> the increase in federal spending over the past 35<br />

years—a period when OASI payments grew from about 6 percent to<br />

about 16 percent <strong>of</strong> all federal spending (U.S. Office <strong>of</strong> Management<br />

and Budget 1989, p. 232; note that these data do not include other<br />

Social Security transfers, authorized later, such as disability payments<br />

or Medicare).<br />

Of course, the increase in OASI transfers during 1955-1990 reflects<br />

the unfolding <strong>of</strong> political events during those years, as members<br />

<strong>of</strong> Congress catered to a segment <strong>of</strong> the electorate by expanding the<br />

scope <strong>of</strong> eligibility and increasing the allowable amount <strong>of</strong> payment<br />

per eligible recipient. But one who tracks the yearly pulling and<br />

hauling <strong>of</strong> events that resulted in changing amounts <strong>of</strong> aggregate<br />

spending, as the econometrician does in an abstract way, is attending<br />

to only one aspect <strong>of</strong> the growth <strong>of</strong> government, and it is a consequen-

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