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Women: International<br />

obvious difference.<br />

Women are seen on the<br />

streets wearing veils,<br />

some happily, some not,<br />

many indifferently. And<br />

for many journalists who<br />

travel to Iran, who visit<br />

with middle- and upperclass<br />

families, the <strong>issue</strong><br />

of compulsory veiling<br />

and other limitations on<br />

women’s rights are often<br />

the first things that are<br />

discussed.<br />

It is thus rare to read a<br />

news report about the social<br />

and cultural situation<br />

in Iran without a mention<br />

of veiled women. In<br />

these reports, a veil is<br />

used to either demonstrate<br />

a person’s conservative<br />

viewpoint or to<br />

show the opposite—that<br />

despite the veil, a woman<br />

holds views close to our own more<br />

liberal, democratic ones. A recent article<br />

in The New York Times’s “Week in<br />

Review” clearly demonstrates this<br />

point: While in one section the article<br />

states that Iranian women’s wearing of<br />

the veil has led to their loss of freedom<br />

and rights, in another the writer notes<br />

the important role women have played<br />

in Iran’s recent politics, “their covered<br />

heads and bodies notwithstanding.”<br />

The problem, of course, is that because<br />

veiling is compulsory in Iran it is hard<br />

to use it as an indicator of any<br />

individual’s political views.<br />

There are many women—some<br />

more vocal proponents of women’s<br />

rights in Iran—who would still wear a<br />

veil regardless of the law and who are<br />

against it being compulsory. Some of<br />

the country’s more politically and socially<br />

active women are practicing Muslims;<br />

their objection to compulsory<br />

veiling stems not from their belief that<br />

the veil itself is oppressive, but rather<br />

from knowing that a law deprives<br />

women of their freedom to choose<br />

their clothing. These women, therefore,<br />

are not a moderating or reformist<br />

force “despite their veil.” The veil, itself,<br />

has very little to do with their<br />

political stance.<br />

“This young woman is totally veiled and studies at the niversity of Irbid,<br />

Jordan. It always surprised me to see women in such clothes, because in Jordan<br />

there is no law that forces women to be veiled like in Iran. But some of them<br />

do it because they are convinced that it is the right way of life for themselves.”—Katharina<br />

Eglau. Photo by Katharina Eglau.©<br />

Since 1997, there has been a shift<br />

toward articles that focus on the numerous<br />

women journalists, activists,<br />

parliamentarians and other public figures<br />

in Iran. There is also an increasing<br />

number of articles about Iranian youth,<br />

with special emphasis on younger<br />

women as the strongest force for reform<br />

in contemporary Iran. This shift is<br />

an important and welcomed one, reflecting<br />

the changing situation in Iran<br />

and the increased access of Western<br />

journalists to it.<br />

Despite this positive change, a good<br />

number of articles still operate within<br />

a conventional framework and utilize<br />

stereotypes. The success of female public<br />

figures in Iran and the presence of<br />

Iranian women in the streets are often<br />

presented against the backdrop of the<br />

readers’ (and sometimes the journalists’)<br />

expectation that because the<br />

women are veiled and living in a Muslim<br />

country, they lack certain rights,<br />

behave in certain (traditional/conservative)<br />

ways, and hold certain views.<br />

This juxtaposition of look, beliefs and<br />

actions provides such reports with a<br />

sensationalist, shocking, or “newsworthy”<br />

quality: See the traditional woman<br />

act in modern ways.<br />

Gender inequality is now the most<br />

common window<br />

through which the<br />

West reports on Iran.<br />

Yet other <strong>issue</strong>s are<br />

of concern to Iranian<br />

women, and these<br />

concerns are ones<br />

that journalists could<br />

report on and other<br />

media could do a better<br />

job of portraying.<br />

But to do so means<br />

moving beyond the<br />

customary model for<br />

reporting on Iranian<br />

women.<br />

Considering the<br />

constraints placed on<br />

journalists traveling<br />

to and reporting on<br />

Iran, how can the coverage<br />

of Iranian<br />

women in the international<br />

media be improved?<br />

Here are four interconnected suggestions:<br />

1. Don’t start reporting with preconceived<br />

assumptions. The framework<br />

within which stories about<br />

women are sought and written about<br />

needs to change. If we start with the<br />

assumption that Iranian women are<br />

some of the most repressed women in<br />

the world, then anything that counters<br />

that image will be seen as heroic, subversive<br />

and unusual. The rise of Islamic<br />

movements in different parts of the<br />

Middle East in the 1990’s and the<br />

Taliban in Afghanistan have for now<br />

fixed in the international mind the idea<br />

of Muslim women (marked by their<br />

veil) as oppressed by a Muslim patriarchy.<br />

It is against this image that much<br />

of the coverage of Iranian women occurs<br />

and many articles are read. The<br />

prevalent assumption that treats all<br />

women living in Muslim countries the<br />

same (regardless of country, social,<br />

economic and cultural factors)—an<br />

assumption that does not correspond<br />

to reality—is the cause of some of the<br />

problematic reporting we see.<br />

2. Don’t think in terms of “Iranian<br />

women.” Ask how relevant the<br />

broad category “Iranian woman” is to<br />

<strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Winter 2001 111

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