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Women: International<br />

and family <strong>issue</strong>s. Rapaczynski contends<br />

that Polish feminists are “much more<br />

focused on politics versus bedrock <strong>issue</strong>s….<br />

They are Warsaw <strong>University</strong><br />

feminists who are class oriented—who<br />

have an outflowing of rage on behalf of<br />

cleaning women who want an earlier<br />

retirement age. It is extremely irritating.”<br />

The paper’s editorial stance on the<br />

key hot-button <strong>issue</strong> of reproductive<br />

rights stops short of being pro-choice,<br />

and there is not a lot of attention paid<br />

to the ramifications of illegal abortion<br />

in a country where underground abortions<br />

flourish. Luczywo says she is “very,<br />

very uncomfortable” with a “completely<br />

pro-choice position,” partly because of<br />

abuses under Communism when contraception<br />

was not available; the state<br />

promoted abortions—and woman had<br />

an average of 20.<br />

In many ways, “women’s place” in<br />

society was up for grabs in the new<br />

Poland. The Catholic Church urged<br />

women to go home, as full-time wives<br />

and mothers. Women who took demanding<br />

jobs in the new economy<br />

faced irate husbands who still wanted<br />

meals on the table—at four in the afternoon.<br />

And early reporting in Gazeta<br />

Wyborcza was spotty. A story about a<br />

1991 march by the Polish Feminist Association<br />

quoted an unnamed man as<br />

saying, in essence, that the activists<br />

were so ugly they needed “a better sex<br />

life.” A Polish-American woman, who<br />

had donated to underground Solidarity,<br />

wrote Luczywo to congratulate her<br />

on the success of the paper—and to<br />

express dismay at the slurs in that story.<br />

Subsequent news stories did a better<br />

job of tracking “women’s place” incidents.<br />

Some examples:<br />

• An Exxon billboard used a “dumb<br />

broad” message to sell motor oil,<br />

complete with a smirking husband<br />

next to his distraught wife at the<br />

wheel. Fledgling feminists took<br />

umbrage and substituted their own<br />

message, an incident that was written<br />

about in Gazeta Wyborcza. Few<br />

advertisers made that mistake again.<br />

• When a high school principal limited<br />

a new computer class to boys,<br />

parents of girls sought out a Gazeta<br />

reporter to complain. Girls were admitted.<br />

Under Communism, many special<br />

privileges were given to mothers and<br />

not to women in general. With capitalism,<br />

it’s become more expensive to<br />

hire these women; taking away the<br />

benefits is politically risky. Maternity<br />

leaves are paid for 24 weeks and employers<br />

must retain a woman’s job for<br />

three years if she takes a full maternity<br />

leave. Western-type pay disparities also<br />

exist since women held many top professional<br />

jobs at hospitals and universities,<br />

which today are among the lowerpaid<br />

jobs in Poland—much lower, for<br />

example, than the pay for jobs in maledominated<br />

professions such as financial<br />

services.<br />

These are complex <strong>issue</strong>s related to<br />

the nation’s transition and are, in many<br />

ways, more difficult stories to cover<br />

than those from earlier times when<br />

women might have been barred from<br />

universities or top jobs or from receiving<br />

credit. Gazeta Wyborcza covers<br />

these <strong>issue</strong>s, but women’s rights leaders<br />

often complain that they don’t do it<br />

well enough.<br />

Wanda Nowicka, director of the Polish<br />

Federation for Women and Family<br />

Planning, is a critic of the paper, but<br />

she is glad that High Heels has proven<br />

a success despite “writing serious stories.”<br />

That, she concedes, will help<br />

legitimize those <strong>issue</strong>s across society.<br />

One can hardly ask for more praise<br />

than that. ■<br />

Peggy Simpson, a 1979 <strong>Nieman</strong><br />

Fellow, has been working in Poland<br />

as a freelance journalist.<br />

psimpson@it.com.pl<br />

Reporting on War, Listening to Women<br />

An Indonesian journalist argues that women have a ‘psychological map’ of war.<br />

By Ratih Hardjono<br />

Women living in conflict zones<br />

have strong views about conflicts<br />

that overtake their lives<br />

and community. They have political<br />

views about their situation but, for<br />

most of them, politics isn’t the most<br />

important thing. What they care most<br />

about is assuring the survival of their<br />

families and communities. And, since<br />

men dominate the political arena, it is<br />

usually they who decide whether a war<br />

will be fought, then fight it. Women are<br />

left to cope with the results once the<br />

war has ended.<br />

In the coverage of war, it is stories<br />

about women’s lives that often go untold.<br />

In 1995, I attended a funeral of a<br />

young Hutu man killed in Bujumbura,<br />

Burundi. Foreign journalists waited in<br />

the front yard while a coffin was hastily<br />

being built out of leftover fruit boxes.<br />

When we got to the graveyard, we<br />

waited again while his family dug the<br />

grave. During this time, a wild-eyed<br />

woman approached me, pointed to my<br />

camera and pulled my hand gently.<br />

She then sat by the fragile coffin and<br />

looked straight into my camera. After<br />

taking her photo, she wrote her address<br />

on a tiny piece of torn paper and<br />

gave it to me. I assumed it was natural<br />

that she would want a picture for her<br />

and her children, for memory’s sake.<br />

There was no exchange of words<br />

between us. We didn’t share a common<br />

language but even if we had, she<br />

82 <strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Winter 2001

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