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Women: International<br />
and family <strong>issue</strong>s. Rapaczynski contends<br />
that Polish feminists are “much more<br />
focused on politics versus bedrock <strong>issue</strong>s….<br />
They are Warsaw <strong>University</strong><br />
feminists who are class oriented—who<br />
have an outflowing of rage on behalf of<br />
cleaning women who want an earlier<br />
retirement age. It is extremely irritating.”<br />
The paper’s editorial stance on the<br />
key hot-button <strong>issue</strong> of reproductive<br />
rights stops short of being pro-choice,<br />
and there is not a lot of attention paid<br />
to the ramifications of illegal abortion<br />
in a country where underground abortions<br />
flourish. Luczywo says she is “very,<br />
very uncomfortable” with a “completely<br />
pro-choice position,” partly because of<br />
abuses under Communism when contraception<br />
was not available; the state<br />
promoted abortions—and woman had<br />
an average of 20.<br />
In many ways, “women’s place” in<br />
society was up for grabs in the new<br />
Poland. The Catholic Church urged<br />
women to go home, as full-time wives<br />
and mothers. Women who took demanding<br />
jobs in the new economy<br />
faced irate husbands who still wanted<br />
meals on the table—at four in the afternoon.<br />
And early reporting in Gazeta<br />
Wyborcza was spotty. A story about a<br />
1991 march by the Polish Feminist Association<br />
quoted an unnamed man as<br />
saying, in essence, that the activists<br />
were so ugly they needed “a better sex<br />
life.” A Polish-American woman, who<br />
had donated to underground Solidarity,<br />
wrote Luczywo to congratulate her<br />
on the success of the paper—and to<br />
express dismay at the slurs in that story.<br />
Subsequent news stories did a better<br />
job of tracking “women’s place” incidents.<br />
Some examples:<br />
• An Exxon billboard used a “dumb<br />
broad” message to sell motor oil,<br />
complete with a smirking husband<br />
next to his distraught wife at the<br />
wheel. Fledgling feminists took<br />
umbrage and substituted their own<br />
message, an incident that was written<br />
about in Gazeta Wyborcza. Few<br />
advertisers made that mistake again.<br />
• When a high school principal limited<br />
a new computer class to boys,<br />
parents of girls sought out a Gazeta<br />
reporter to complain. Girls were admitted.<br />
Under Communism, many special<br />
privileges were given to mothers and<br />
not to women in general. With capitalism,<br />
it’s become more expensive to<br />
hire these women; taking away the<br />
benefits is politically risky. Maternity<br />
leaves are paid for 24 weeks and employers<br />
must retain a woman’s job for<br />
three years if she takes a full maternity<br />
leave. Western-type pay disparities also<br />
exist since women held many top professional<br />
jobs at hospitals and universities,<br />
which today are among the lowerpaid<br />
jobs in Poland—much lower, for<br />
example, than the pay for jobs in maledominated<br />
professions such as financial<br />
services.<br />
These are complex <strong>issue</strong>s related to<br />
the nation’s transition and are, in many<br />
ways, more difficult stories to cover<br />
than those from earlier times when<br />
women might have been barred from<br />
universities or top jobs or from receiving<br />
credit. Gazeta Wyborcza covers<br />
these <strong>issue</strong>s, but women’s rights leaders<br />
often complain that they don’t do it<br />
well enough.<br />
Wanda Nowicka, director of the Polish<br />
Federation for Women and Family<br />
Planning, is a critic of the paper, but<br />
she is glad that High Heels has proven<br />
a success despite “writing serious stories.”<br />
That, she concedes, will help<br />
legitimize those <strong>issue</strong>s across society.<br />
One can hardly ask for more praise<br />
than that. ■<br />
Peggy Simpson, a 1979 <strong>Nieman</strong><br />
Fellow, has been working in Poland<br />
as a freelance journalist.<br />
psimpson@it.com.pl<br />
Reporting on War, Listening to Women<br />
An Indonesian journalist argues that women have a ‘psychological map’ of war.<br />
By Ratih Hardjono<br />
Women living in conflict zones<br />
have strong views about conflicts<br />
that overtake their lives<br />
and community. They have political<br />
views about their situation but, for<br />
most of them, politics isn’t the most<br />
important thing. What they care most<br />
about is assuring the survival of their<br />
families and communities. And, since<br />
men dominate the political arena, it is<br />
usually they who decide whether a war<br />
will be fought, then fight it. Women are<br />
left to cope with the results once the<br />
war has ended.<br />
In the coverage of war, it is stories<br />
about women’s lives that often go untold.<br />
In 1995, I attended a funeral of a<br />
young Hutu man killed in Bujumbura,<br />
Burundi. Foreign journalists waited in<br />
the front yard while a coffin was hastily<br />
being built out of leftover fruit boxes.<br />
When we got to the graveyard, we<br />
waited again while his family dug the<br />
grave. During this time, a wild-eyed<br />
woman approached me, pointed to my<br />
camera and pulled my hand gently.<br />
She then sat by the fragile coffin and<br />
looked straight into my camera. After<br />
taking her photo, she wrote her address<br />
on a tiny piece of torn paper and<br />
gave it to me. I assumed it was natural<br />
that she would want a picture for her<br />
and her children, for memory’s sake.<br />
There was no exchange of words<br />
between us. We didn’t share a common<br />
language but even if we had, she<br />
82 <strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Winter 2001