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Women: International<br />
joke…. To show that you’re serious,<br />
you have to try twice as hard if you’re a<br />
woman.” The hazards of not being taken<br />
seriously include the risk of sexual harassment—a<br />
problem mentioned by<br />
women surveyed in countries as different<br />
as Finland and Spain. Thus while<br />
their male colleagues use time after<br />
work to develop the “old boys’ network,”<br />
some women may limit their<br />
after-work contacts because they prefer<br />
to avoid “risky” situations.<br />
Perceptions of editorial management<br />
as a tough and virile domain, where<br />
decisions are made by men in smokefilled<br />
rooms, are enough to stop some<br />
women from trying to become part of<br />
a world they regard as alien. More<br />
importantly, they affect the promotion<br />
prospects of many women who do<br />
aspire to senior positions. In the words<br />
of a Danish journalist disappointed in<br />
her attempt to obtain a management<br />
post in the early 1990’s: “All my colleagues<br />
recommended me, but the<br />
management said… I wasn’t ‘robust’<br />
enough. The management don’t like<br />
women in managerial jobs. Only one<br />
has succeeded so far, but it took her<br />
more than 25 years.” The “one at a<br />
time” mentality vis-à-vis women in senior<br />
editorial management precludes<br />
the possibility of women building up<br />
the kind of power base necessary for<br />
real change—either in terms of journalistic<br />
output or in the way the institutions<br />
of journalism are organized.<br />
One of the major ways in which<br />
stereotyped attitudes impinge on<br />
women journalists is in the assignment<br />
of work. In a 1992 survey covering 10<br />
countries in Europe, North America,<br />
Asia and Africa, writer Kate Holman<br />
found that 56 percent of responding<br />
journalists (male and female) believed<br />
that women are still directed towards<br />
topics which traditionally have had less<br />
status (human interest, social affairs,<br />
and culture), rather than being steered<br />
towards the “high-status” topics such<br />
as business, economics or foreign news.<br />
Although this rigid division of labor has<br />
started to break down in certain countries,<br />
the general tendency to streamline<br />
women and men into different<br />
departments and subject areas undoubtedly<br />
has an impact on salary and<br />
on promotion prospects.<br />
There is overwhelming evidence of<br />
a significant salary gap between female<br />
and male journalists…. It seems likely<br />
that the earnings gap is related to the<br />
kinds of assignment given to women<br />
and men—the specific tasks they do<br />
and the valuation attached to these<br />
through additional payments and merit<br />
awards.<br />
The gendered division of work assignments<br />
reduces more than women’s<br />
income. It also reduces their chances<br />
of promotion…. A journalist writing<br />
about “hard politics” is supported and<br />
regarded as good promotion material.<br />
Someone writing about “human” and<br />
“everyday” <strong>issue</strong>s is seen as unambitious<br />
(because of apparent disinterest<br />
in the top priorities of the organization),<br />
and tends to remain a rank-andfile<br />
reporter. The subtlety and circularity<br />
of this process, which both reflects<br />
and constructs power relations between<br />
women and men in the profession,<br />
is aptly described by Professor<br />
Eric Neveu with respect to French journalism:<br />
“the female condition is a constraint<br />
on access to responsibilities in<br />
journalism…this distance from responsibilities<br />
and important columns increases<br />
the probability of meeting less<br />
famous people, thus having to settle<br />
for more anonymous, soft news<br />
reporting…which in a nutshell produces<br />
a journalism typified as ‘feminine’….<br />
If women write what they write,<br />
it is not always the expression of a<br />
feminine sensibility…but also the fact<br />
that in many situations they cannot<br />
write anything else, according to the<br />
structures of power within the professional<br />
hierarchy.”<br />
In her study of women’s impact on<br />
the British press (1997) journalism lecturer<br />
Linda Christmas concludes that<br />
political writing is one of two “stubbornly<br />
male enclaves.” The other is<br />
leader writing (editorials). Again, the<br />
rules of the game mean that women are<br />
not seen as—and usually do not see<br />
themselves as—suited to this form of<br />
journalism. One of the few female<br />
leader writers in Britain (for The Times)<br />
ascribes the small number of women<br />
to “a stereotyped notion of how<br />
women’s brains work…. Men are<br />
thought to be more convergent, more<br />
dispassionate, more analytical than<br />
women are. And women have been<br />
assumed to be better at writing the<br />
empathetic, people-orientated stories,”<br />
according to Christmas. This general<br />
stereotype feeds into gender-based<br />
editorial appraisals, as Christmas writes:<br />
“There are some editors who instinctively,<br />
without questioning it, give less<br />
weight to women’s views. Also, some<br />
editors may think that women are more<br />
muddled thinkers and therefore it is<br />
not just that they think their views are<br />
unimportant, but that their views won’t<br />
be expressed quite so coherently as<br />
men’s views.” The notion that coherence<br />
equates with the bold affirmation<br />
of a particular viewpoint is, again, something<br />
with which many women feel<br />
uncomfortable. According to another<br />
senior woman interviewed by Christmas:<br />
“My dream is to be able to write<br />
‘on the one hand’ and ‘on the other<br />
hand,’ and ‘having thought about it<br />
carefully, this is the conclusion I come<br />
to.’ But I know you can’t write columns<br />
like that. Or leaders. You need to have<br />
very, very firm opinions and a belief in<br />
your own opinions.”<br />
The male-defined rules of the game<br />
which determine journalistic culture—<br />
the customs and practices which prevail<br />
within the profession—must therefore<br />
be understood not simply in terms<br />
of working conditions, definitions of<br />
newsworthiness, values and priorities.<br />
In a more fundamental sense these<br />
rules permeate the very essence of what<br />
journalism “is,” or is believed to be, by<br />
the majority of its practitioners. Of<br />
course, they are not completely static.<br />
It can be argued that the audience goal<br />
of journalism implies that the rules<br />
must—in some respects—be subject<br />
to redefinition if markets are to be fully<br />
exploited. But given the framework of<br />
power relations in journalism, it cannot<br />
be assumed that such redefinitions<br />
will work to women’s long-term advantage.<br />
If audience behavior causes a<br />
shift in the hierarchy of genres, or in<br />
professional beliefs about what constitutes<br />
“good” journalism, it is inconceivable<br />
that male journalists will ignore<br />
the new ground opened up by<br />
such a change.<br />
64 <strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Winter 2001