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238 THE CREATURE FROM JEKYLL ISLAND SINK THE LUSITANIA! 239<br />

they constantly had to be repaired and serviced, the maximum<br />

number at sea was only seven at any one time. Yet, between 1914<br />

and 1918, German submarines had sunk over 5,700 surface ships.<br />

Three-hundred thousand tons of Allied shipping were sent to the<br />

bottom every week. One out of every four steamers leaving the<br />

British Isles never returned. In later years, British Foreign Secretary,<br />

Arthur Balfour, wrote: "At that time, it certainly looked as though<br />

we were going to lose the war/' Robert Ferrell, in his Woodrow<br />

Wilson and World War J, concluded: "The Allies approached the<br />

brink of disaster, with no recourse other than to ask Germany for<br />

terms."<br />

William McAdoo, who was Secretary of the Treasury at the<br />

time, says in his memoirs:<br />

Across the sea came the dismay of the British—a dismay that<br />

carried a deepening note of disaster. There was a fear, and a<br />

well-grounded one, that England might be starved into abject<br />

surrender.... On April 27, 1917, Ambassador Walter H. Page reported<br />

confidentially to the President that the food in the British Isles was not<br />

more than enough to feed the civil population for six weeks or two<br />

months.<br />

rAs<br />

previously mentioned by William McAdoo, the American<br />

ambassador to England at that time was Walter Hines Page, a trustee<br />

of Rockefeller's social-engineering foundation called the<br />

General Education Board. It was learned by the Nye committee that,<br />

in addition to his government salary, which he complained was not<br />

high enough, Page also received an allowance of $25,000 a year (an<br />

enormous amount in 1917) from Cleveland Dodge, president of<br />

Rockefeller's National City Bank. On March 15, 1917, Ambassador<br />

Page sent a telegram to the State Department outlining the financial<br />

crisis in England. Since sources of new capital had dried up, the<br />

only way to keep the war going, he said, was to make direct grants<br />

from the U.S. Treasury. But, since this would be a violation of neutrality<br />

treaties, the United States would have to abandon its neutrality<br />

and enter the war. He said:<br />

I think that the pressure of this approaching crisis has gone<br />

beyond the ability of the Morgan Financial Agency for the British and<br />

French Governments.... The greatest help we could give the Allies<br />

would be such a credit.... Unless we go to war with Germany, our<br />

Government, of course, cannot make such a direct grant of credit. 1<br />

Under these circumstances, it became impossible for Morgan to<br />

find new buyers for the Allied war bonds, neither for fresh funding<br />

nor to replenish the old bonds which were coming due and facing<br />

default. This was serious on several counts. If bond sales came to a<br />

halt, there would be no money to continue purchasing war materials.<br />

Commissions would be lost at both ends. Furthermore^ if the<br />

previously sold bonds were to go into default, as they certainly<br />

would if Britain and France were forced to accept peace on<br />

Germany's terms, the investors would sustain gigantic losses. Something<br />

had to be done. But what? Robert Ferrell hints at the answer:<br />

In the mid thirties a Senate committee headed by Gerald P. Nye of<br />

North Dakota investigated the pre-1917 munitions trade and raised a<br />

possibility that the Wilson administration went to war because<br />

American bankers needed to protect their Allied loans.<br />

1. Balfour MSS, FO/800/208, British Foreign Office records, Public Record Office,<br />

London, as cited by Robert H. Ferrell, Woodrow Wilson and World War I (New York:<br />

Harper & Row, 1985), p. 35.<br />

2. Ferrell, p. 12.<br />

3. William G. McAdoo, Crowded Years (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1931; rpt.<br />

New York: Kennikat Press, 1971), p. 392.<br />

4. Ferrell, p. 88.<br />

The Morgan group had floated one-and-a-half billion dollars in<br />

loans to Britain and France. With the fortunes of war turning against<br />

them, investors were facing the threat of a total loss. As Ferdinand<br />

Lundberg observed: "The declaration of war by the United States, in<br />

addition to extricating the wealthiest American families from a dangerous<br />

situation, also opened new vistas of profits." 2<br />

COLONEL HOUSE<br />

One of the most influential men behind the scenes at this time<br />

was Colonel Edward Mandell House, personal adviser to Woodrow<br />

Wilson and, later, to F.D.R. House had close contacts with both J.P.<br />

Morgan and the old banking families of Europe. He had received<br />

several years of his schooling in England and, in later years, surrounded<br />

himself with prominent members of the Fabian Society.<br />

Furthermore, he was a man of great personal wealth, most of it<br />

acquired during the War Between the States. His father, Thomas<br />

William House, had acted as the confidential American agent of<br />

1- Quoted by Ferdinand Lundberg, America's Sixty Families (New York: Vanguard<br />

Press, 1937), p. 141. Also see Link et al, eds., The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, Vol. 41<br />

(1983), pp. 336-37, cited by Ferrell, p. 90.<br />

2- Lundberg, pp. 141-42.

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