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CHAPTER 6 - Treaties and Treason
I say the same as to the opinion of those who consider the grant of the treaty-making power
as boundless. If it is, then we have no Constitution.1
— Thomas Jefferson, September 1803
Treaties make international law and also they make domestic law. Under our Constitution,
treaties become the supreme law of the land.... [T]reaty law can override the Constitution.
Treaties, for example, ... can cut across the rights given the people by their constitutional
Bill of Rights.2
[A]fter all, the UN Charter is the law of the land....3
— Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, April 11, 1952
— George L. Sherry (CFR), The United Nations Reborn, 1990
The main political obstacle to the new world order envisioned by the one-world schemers has been, and
remains, the Constitution of the United States of America. Unique in both its foundational principles and
structure, the constitutional system established by America’s Founding Fathers — abused though it may
be by decades of sustained assault on the one hand and neglect on the other — continues to stymie the
architects of totalitarian global government.
From their own experience, and from an acquaintance with history, the Americans of 1776 and 1787
well understood that the dangers to liberty from an unrestrained government were, more often than not,
far greater than the threat of tyranny from a conquering foreign power. The limitations placed on
government by the designers of our founding document, therefore, served as formidable bulwarks
against the dangerous centralization of power in the national government; those limitations also rendered
any transfers of constitutional powers of governance to an international government virtually
impossible.
One of 20th century America’s most passionate defenders of liberty against the encroachments of
omnipotent government was Frank Chodorov, editor of The Freeman. Writing in 1955, in a special issue
devoted to exposing and opposing "One Worldism and the United Nations," he noted:
Government is the monopoly of coercion. Its function is to prevent individuals from using
violence or other coercive methods on one another, so that the business of Society — the
exchange of goods, services and ideas — may be carried on in safety and tranquility. Its
contribution to social progress, though necessary, is purely negative. In this country,
tradition and the Constitution hold that the function of government is to protect the
individual in the enjoyment of those rights which inhere in him by virtue of existence, and
which are the gifts of the Creator. And in the beginning, before tradition and the spirit of the
Constitution were perverted, Americans took for granted that government had no other
competence.4
"But the hard fact," said Chodorov, "is that this monopoly of coercion is vested in humans — of which
government is necessarily composed — and that these humans are no different in make-up from those
they are called upon to coerce."5 That is indeed a hard fact that no amount of wishful thinking or highflown
rhetoric about global brotherhood can change. It was the recognition of just such hard realities as