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that power tends further to corrupt man (any man) because of his already fallen, sinful, corrupt nature.
This unfortunate but unassailable fact about government power was duly noted and amply illustrated
decades before Rummel’s revelations by Harvard University sociologist Pitirim A. Sorokin. In 1956
Professor Sorokin published the results of his own survey of the criminality of rulers. His study of
various heads of state, in a selection large enough to constitute a very fair sample, demonstrated that
there was an average of one murderer for every four of these rulers! "In other words," said Professor
Sorokin, "the rulers of the states are the most criminal group in a respective population. With a
limitation of their power their criminality tends to decrease; but it still remains exceptionally high in all
nations."18
Commenting on Sorokin’s findings, John Birch Society founder Robert Welch observed:
An obvious reason for this is the greater temptation to criminality on the part of those who
control or influence the police power of a nation, of which they would otherwise stand in
more fear. Another is that ambitious men with criminal tendencies naturally gravitate into
government because of this very prospect of doing, or helping to do, the policing over
themselves. A third reason is that so many apologists can always be found, for criminal acts
of governments, on the grounds that such acts ultimately contribute to the public good and
that therefore the criminal means are justified by the righteous ends.19
Bind Them Down From Mischief
The framers of our constitutional system were hardly unaware of these truths. "Whoever would found a
state and make proper laws for the government of it," said John Adams, "must presume that all men are
bad by nature."20
"If men were angels," concurred James Madison, "no government would be necessary. If angels were to
govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a
government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first
enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself."21 The
difficulty referred to by these men should be readily appreciated by all who seriously ponder the
perennial problems of governance.
Aldous Huxley, who was certainly neither a constitutionalist nor a conservative, grasped it well.
Sounding remarkably like Adams and many other early Americans, he noted:
In actual practice how many great men have ever fulfilled, or are ever likely to fulfill, the
conditions which alone render power innocuous to the ruler as well as to the ruled
Obviously, very few. Except by saints, the problem of power is finally insoluble. But since
genuine self-government is possible only in very small groups, societies on a national or
supernational scale will always be ruled by oligarchical minorities whose members come to
power because they have a lust for power.22
Unrestricted "democracy," that modern political idol, offers no solution to the dilemma. For as John
Adams again accurately observed, "We may appeal to every page of history we have hitherto turned
over, for proofs irrefragable, that the people, when they have been unchecked, have been as unjust,
tyrannical, brutal, barbarous and cruel as any king or senate possessed of uncontrollable power."23
Adams fully comprehended the fundamental truth of George Washington’s maxim, "Government is not