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Bruce Russett and James S. Sutterlin concluded: "It is worth emphasizing that nothing in the [UN]
charter prohibits the Security Council from deploying peacekeeping forces without the consent of all the
parties, or from including troop contingents from the permanent members of the council in such forces
where the need for deterrence arises." If this attitude prevails, UN eco-saviors can first declare your
factory, your logging, ranching or farming practices, or even your use of an automobile a threat to the
environment, and then decide under authority derived from the new definition of "peacekeeping" to send
in the blue (or green) helmeted troops to address the breach of "peace" with force.
The Great Mutation
Although the UN has not yet used any of this steadily building "peacekeeping" muscle for enforcement
of environmental or social dicta, the precedent for uninvited intervention has already been established
under the assumed authority of "peacekeeping." As Los Angeles Times columnist William Pfaff
observed in his March 5, 1992 column appearing in the International Herald Tribune, the 1992 UN
action in what was once Yugoslavia is a signal event, representing an overturning of national
sovereignty. "Slowly, too slowly, the great mutation occurs," said Pfaff. "The principle of absolute
national sovereignty is being overturned.... The civil war in Yugoslavia has rendered this service to us."
Pfaff, a committed internationalist, applauded the UN's "uninvited international intervention into the
affairs of a state" which, until now, "has been held an unacceptable attack upon the principle of
unlimited state sovereignty." He saw the intervention of the European Community and the UN in
Yugoslavia as a new model of collective action that has many other potential applications. "What they
have thus far done has been improvisation, but it is a start on something new," the Paris-based columnist
noted approvingly. "We are now in a situation where improvisation and experiment are essential, in
contrast to the big programmatic reforms of 1918 and 1945 - the League and the U.N." The
"improvisation" Pfaff and his fellow globalists talk about is hardly spontaneous and is eminently
predictable; it involves the expansion and concentration of the UN's political, economic, and military
powers in response to global or regional or even local "crises."
The excuse for UN "peacekeeping" action in a crisis involving civil war and ethnic fighting is the
supposed potential for the conflict to escalate to global dimensions if not checked by collective
international force. "What may now be needed," said the New York Times in its March 6, 1992 editorial,
"is a permanent force for rapid deployment in chaotic circumstances." The Times editorial continued:
"One promising possibility is to make fuller use of the U.N. Charter. Article 43 already calls on
members to make available 'armed forces, assistance and facilities' necessary to maintain international
peace. To that end, the Charter established a Military Staff Committee...."
But, lamented the Times, this UN committee has never worked as intended, because "American armed
forces have traditionally resisted [it] as a threat to command autonomy." Again, the far greater threat to
national security and sovereignty was ignored.
"But in a transformed world," continued the Times editorial, "it makes sense to consider direct
contributions of personnel and equipment to a rapid deployment force under real multinational control."
Going still further, the article proposed that the UN military force be expanded with funds taken from
the U.S. defense budget instead of from its foreign aid budget. "That won't be easy," the Times . "But
what a chance for President Bush to take the lead in giving real meaning to his still hazy vision of a New
World Order."
A Long-Established Policy