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Assessing the Effectiveness of Organized Crime Control Strategies ...

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The diverse definitions <strong>of</strong> OC provided by US states illustrates <strong>the</strong> prevailing definitional chaos<br />

(Reuter, 1994:93). On one extreme is <strong>the</strong> very broad statutory definition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong><br />

Mississippi: “Two or more persons conspiring toge<strong>the</strong>r to commit crimes for pr<strong>of</strong>it on a<br />

continuing basis.” Such a definition would include two robbers or burglars, or even members <strong>of</strong><br />

a youth gang, who planned and executed crimes toge<strong>the</strong>r for a period <strong>of</strong> time.<br />

Many states have adopted definitions that have emphasized <strong>the</strong> elements <strong>of</strong> fear, discipline, and<br />

corruption (Reuter, 1994). The state <strong>of</strong> Kansas, for example, refers to “a continuing criminal<br />

conspiracy organized for power and pr<strong>of</strong>it utilizing fear and corruption to obtain immunity from<br />

<strong>the</strong> law.” Similar to <strong>the</strong> Canadian Criminal Code, o<strong>the</strong>r US states spell out <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> OC.<br />

Pennsylvania, for example, indicates that, “‘<strong>Organized</strong> crime’ and ‘racketeering’ shall include,<br />

but not be limited to, conspiracy to commit murder, bribery or extortion, narcotics or dangerous<br />

drug violations, prostitution, usury, subordination or perjury and lottery, bookmaking or o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

forms <strong>of</strong> organized gambling” (Reuter, 1994:93).<br />

Blakey, Goldstock, and Rogovin (1978) assert that <strong>the</strong> manner in which definitions are arrived at<br />

by those with enforcement responsibilities are reversed from what one would intuitively expect.<br />

Logically, we would expect to first define OC and <strong>the</strong>n develop legal and investigative tools to<br />

deal with it. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong>se authors assert that definitions are <strong>of</strong>ten based on issues that have been<br />

identified as particularly worthy <strong>of</strong> investigation:<br />

Most <strong>of</strong>ten, <strong>the</strong> content <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> definition [<strong>of</strong> OC] reflects <strong>the</strong> perspective <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

discipline or pr<strong>of</strong>ession <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> author, and different perspectives have led to different<br />

definitions. Definitions, too, reflect purpose. To meet varying needs, organized<br />

crime may, <strong>of</strong> course, be quite legitimately defined by members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>ession in quite different fashions; for example, to limit or expand investigative<br />

jurisdiction, create special crimes, or to assess extra punishment for those who<br />

engage in certain kinds <strong>of</strong> criminal behavior. (p.3)<br />

Blakey and his associates (1978:3) fur<strong>the</strong>r assert that <strong>the</strong> law enforcement community is<br />

inconsistent in defining OC and <strong>of</strong>ten fails to focus on <strong>the</strong> manner in which <strong>of</strong>fences are<br />

committed:<br />

In <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> a generally accepted definition <strong>of</strong> organized crime for<br />

administrative purposes, however, police and prosecutors have tended to focus <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

attention upon conduct that can be clearly labeled criminal: conspiracy, extortion,<br />

bribery, etc. Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong>se categories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> substantive penal law do little to<br />

distinguish persons involved in individual acts from those individuals involved in<br />

larger criminal networks…The failure to give due attention to specialized<br />

knowledge about <strong>the</strong> manner in which crimes are committed and its relation to<br />

substantive crime definitions gives an<br />

accordion-like quality to operating definitions <strong>of</strong> organized crime and organized<br />

criminals. Definitional flexibility may be desirable for some purposes, but it clearly<br />

does not give rise to a great deal <strong>of</strong> consistency between units charged with<br />

organized crime control.<br />

Research and Statistics Division / Department <strong>of</strong> Justice Canada | 9

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