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<strong>Assessing</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Effectiveness</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Organized</strong> <strong>Crime</strong> <strong>Control</strong> <strong>Strategies</strong>:<br />

A Review <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Literature<br />

Stewart (1980:124) refers to <strong>the</strong> investigative grand jury as:<br />

<strong>the</strong> single most useful tool by which to attack <strong>the</strong> traditional forms <strong>of</strong> organized<br />

crime…If <strong>the</strong> witness testifies truthfully, that witness will be ostracized from <strong>the</strong><br />

criminal community and <strong>the</strong>reby neutralized as an organized crime<br />

operative…Whenever any appreciable number <strong>of</strong> lower-level <strong>of</strong>fenders are<br />

summoned before an investigative grand jury, <strong>the</strong> higher-ups in <strong>the</strong> organized crime<br />

structure can never be sure what, if anything, is being said. This alone is sufficient to<br />

generate tensions within <strong>the</strong> organized crime structure.<br />

On <strong>the</strong> negative side, some prosecutors have used <strong>the</strong> grand jury to harass those viewed as<br />

political undesirables. This happened, for example, to antiwar activists in <strong>the</strong> 1970s (Kenney<br />

and Finckenauer, 1995).<br />

The merits <strong>of</strong> investigative grand juries is a matter <strong>of</strong> conjecture as <strong>the</strong> evidence thus far<br />

advanced is anecdotal. Albanese (1996:196) asserts that: “Unfortunately, <strong>the</strong>re has been no<br />

objective evaluation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> benefits (in terms <strong>of</strong> multi-jurisdictional organized crime<br />

prosecutions) versus <strong>the</strong> costs (in terms <strong>of</strong> harassment, unwarranted privacy invasions, and Fifth<br />

Amendment issues) <strong>of</strong> investigative grand juries.”<br />

4.11 Citizens’ Commissions, Police Commissions, and Community-Based<br />

Initiatives<br />

Citizens’ commissions have been established periodically in <strong>the</strong> US to deal with crime-related<br />

issues. Among <strong>the</strong> most productive have been <strong>the</strong> Chicago and Pennsylvania crime<br />

commissions. These investigative commissions have been helpful in <strong>the</strong> investigation <strong>of</strong> OC.<br />

Prosecutors report that information and intelligence received from crime commissions have been<br />

useful in identifying areas for fur<strong>the</strong>r investigation and in developing cases for prosecution<br />

(Albanese, 1996:182).<br />

Rogovin and Martens (1994: 389-90) indicate that crime commissions can be:<br />

1. Publicly funded, where investigators have police status but no arrest powers and usually<br />

no prosecutorial authority (e.g., Pennsylvania <strong>Crime</strong> Commission);<br />

2. Privately funded with no policing authority (e.g., Chicago <strong>Crime</strong> Commission);<br />

3. Government-sponsored, temporary, and designed to investigate a specific incident or<br />

phenomenon (e.g., President’s Commission on <strong>Organized</strong> <strong>Crime</strong>, Quebec Police<br />

Commission, Knapp Commission on police corruption).<br />

Albanese (1996) notes that aside from <strong>the</strong>ir contribution in investigating OC, <strong>the</strong>se commissions<br />

focus <strong>the</strong> public’s attention on <strong>the</strong> issue through <strong>the</strong>ir hearings, reports, and publicity. It has also<br />

been found that witnesses are more likely to disclose <strong>the</strong>ir knowledge to <strong>the</strong>se commissions<br />

because <strong>the</strong>ir main task is to collect information, ra<strong>the</strong>r than build specific cases. In addition,<br />

38 | Research and Statistics Division / Department <strong>of</strong> Justice Canada

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