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Assessing the Effectiveness of Organized Crime Control Strategies ...

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“headhunting” strategy is predicated on <strong>the</strong> assumption that OC operations are too complex to be<br />

proven in court.<br />

According to <strong>the</strong> President’s Commission on <strong>Organized</strong> <strong>Crime</strong> (1986:205), <strong>the</strong>re have been no<br />

rigorous assessments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> headhunting strategy. However, <strong>the</strong>re is evidence that <strong>the</strong> US<br />

government incapacitated many OC leaders during <strong>the</strong> 1980s. By 1985, about two-thirds <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

alleged Mafia bosses in <strong>the</strong> US were under indictment or convicted (President’s <strong>Crime</strong><br />

Commission, 1986:47). In 1984 alone, a total <strong>of</strong> 2,194 OC indictments occurred, almost all <strong>of</strong><br />

which involved alleged Mafia members (Lyman and Potter, 1997:435). By 1988, 19 bosses, 13<br />

underbosses, and 43 captains had been convicted (Albanese, 1996:120). Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> prison<br />

sentences imposed on high-ranking OC figures during <strong>the</strong> 1980s tended to be very lengthy<br />

(Albanese, 1996:120).<br />

Lyman and Potter (1997:435) question whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>se efforts at decapitating and o<strong>the</strong>rwise<br />

disrupting leading OC groups can be declared a success:<br />

The problem with all this activity is that <strong>the</strong> government has failed to produce even a<br />

scintilla <strong>of</strong> evidence that any <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se prosecutions have resulted in a diminution <strong>of</strong><br />

organized crime’s illicit ventures. The federal government simply has no measures<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> harm caused by organized crime with which to measure such an<br />

impact... But o<strong>the</strong>r indicators seem to suggest that organized crime is alive and quite<br />

healthy despite <strong>the</strong>se law enforcement efforts.<br />

Lyman and Potter <strong>the</strong>n provide several examples <strong>of</strong> major prosecutions <strong>of</strong> syndicates and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

leaders that have ei<strong>the</strong>r failed to reduce <strong>the</strong> volume <strong>of</strong> illicit activities, spawned o<strong>the</strong>r networks<br />

that have replaced <strong>the</strong> targeted group, led to restructuring within <strong>the</strong> affected group, triggered <strong>the</strong><br />

revival <strong>of</strong> a group that had ceased operating for a decade, and that have even facilitated OC by<br />

eliminating less efficient operators.<br />

Former US Attorney and New York mayor Rudolph Giuliani (1986: 104) has added:<br />

<strong>the</strong> traditional prosecutorial model <strong>of</strong> attacking organized crime—<strong>the</strong> conviction and<br />

temporary incapacitation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> heads <strong>of</strong> a crime family for discrete crimes—has not<br />

greatly diminished <strong>the</strong> family’s power and ability to survive, if not flourish. No<br />

doubt, <strong>the</strong> unenviable record <strong>of</strong> short term success in prosecuting <strong>the</strong> leaders while<br />

leaving intact <strong>the</strong> infrastructure <strong>of</strong> organized crime weighed heavily on <strong>the</strong> Congress<br />

in 1970 as it considered remedial legislation.<br />

H<strong>of</strong>fman (1987:95 in Bynum) reinforces this point by stating that, “As <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong><br />

enforcement efforts against organized crime indicates, demands still remain for illicit goods and<br />

services after leaders are incapacitated; opportunists in criminal groups merely take <strong>the</strong> place <strong>of</strong><br />

those locked up.”<br />

Mastr<strong>of</strong>ski and Potter (1987:283) provide a number <strong>of</strong> examples <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> manner in which OC<br />

networks adapt to <strong>the</strong> incapacitation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> leadership <strong>of</strong> a particular group. One illustration<br />

involves a major gambling operation in Philadelphia. Prosecutions directed at this operation in<br />

Research and Statistics Division / Department <strong>of</strong> Justice Canada | 21

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